Ozgur Kavak

Shams al-Dīn Abū ʿAbdallāh Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Dhahabī al-Turkumānī (d. 748/1348), one of the early
Mamluk scholars, is mostly known for his depth in hadith and qirāʾa and his identity as a historian, but in some of
his other texts, he makes evaluations worth analyzing in terms of political thought. In these works, on the one hand,
he rejects the Shiʿite conception of imamate and defends the Sunni conception of caliphate, and on the other hand,
he presents views on the construction of an ideal Islamic society by focusing on the issue of major sins and political
oppression. This article, which is written as an attempt to show that Mamluk political thought can be handled
through different sources, will examine al-Dhahabī’s evaluations on these two issues, which do not find a place in
the literature on the history of contemporary political thought.

The issue of how the legacy of Islamic political thought was evaluated by Ottoman political thinkers is important for understanding how the Ottomans established contact with the scholar and intellectual accumulation that preceded them. Focusing on translations as one of the constitutive elements of Ottoman political thought, this study examines around 170 texts translated from Arabic and Persian in the field of political thought in the Ottoman Empire between the 14th and 18th centuries, and focuses on the translation methods used by the translators who translated the works of Islamic political thought written in these two languages into Ottoman Turkish and what kind of changes they made while transferring the source text into Turkish. In this way, it is attempted to determine after which steps the translated works, which were one of the ways of producing political thought in the Ottoman Empire, were presented to the Ottoman agenda and what kind of contributions these works contain in terms of Ottoman political thought.
This article, which limits itself to the texts of disciplines such as âdâb (siyasatnâme-nasihatnâme), philosophy-ethics, fiqh, hadith, and Sufism, first analyzes the information provided by a limited number of translators describing the translation procedure. Subsequently, the translated texts are compared with the source texts and the translation methods of the translators are categorized under the headings of “literal translations”, “free translations”, “compilation type translations” and “partial/selected translations”. The literal translation method is a method that mostly manifests itself in early translations and involves a very limited contribution of the translator. Free translations are a more widespread type of translation that spans all periods of time. There are numerous examples that show that Ottoman translators considered it sufficient to provide the meāl-i munīf of the texts as an extension of the practical benefit they expected from the book they were translating. The compilation type of translations, on the other hand, is characterized by the selection and translation of hadiths related to certain topics (such as imâma, obedience, jihad, justice etc.). This can also be seen in the compilations of political advice works made from different political books written in Arabic and Persian. “Partial/selected translations”, on the other hand, do not deal with a work from beginning to end, but translate a certain part of it in full. This method, which was frequently used by Ottoman translators, takes shape as an extension of the idea of “extending the benefit to everyone”, which was one of the primary purposes of translating works. In this method, the translators omitted the parts that they considered useless or unnecessary, and limited themselves to translating the parts that would be of direct use to the addressee audience. Finally, some texts that present themselves as “original” without mentioning their relationship with “the source text” have been identified and these have been handled under the concept of "implicit translation".
The second part of the article focuses on how the translators take initiative in translation. In this part, the subject is examined under the following headings: “Interventions that improve or reduce and clean the text”, “writing a separate introduction and conclusion to the translation, not translating the introduction of the author of the source text”, “adding depth to the language and subject matter”, “Domesticating (Hanafization and Ottomanization) of the text”, “correction of the source text, criticism or justification of its claims”, and “giving the translation an original name that often includes a reference to the source text”. Subsequently, the subjection of translated texts to interlingual translation, is discussed.
Ottoman translators made important contributions to their translations, especially in terms of improving the text. In this respect, in addition to the practices such as opening up missing or closed issues, making the text comprehensible, transferring additional anecdotes to deepen the subject, additions are also made to criticize the practices and practitioners of the time period in which they are located, and such practices can be found in almost every translated text. Again, in order for the views expressed in the texts translated for a Turkish and Hanafi audience to appeal to this audience, it is seen that these views in the texts containing the views of different sects are subjected to an operation that we can express as a kind of “Hanafization”. In other words, the translators add the views of the Hanafi madhhab, which are not mentioned in the source text, to the translated text, and sometimes expand the subject in terms of Hanafism by referring to different Hanafi legal sources. Again, objections are raised to texts that contain statements against the Hanafi understanding, and these claims against Hanafism are answered. Thus, the translated text is adapted to the level of perception and acceptance of the Ottoman interlocutors. In addition to the way in which the source texts were brought closer to the Ottoman interlocutors in terms of fiqh content within the framework of the emphasis on Hanafism, “Ottomanization” was also carried out in various ways. As a different dimension of the interventions made in the form of adaptation and addition to the text, issues of importance in the context of the Ottomans can be added to the translation. While doing this, special attention is given to examples selected from the Ottoman milieu or deemed acceptable by the Ottomans, and Ottoman-centered ideal sultan typologies are highlighted. There may also be additions that portray the Ottoman dynasty as the legitimate representatives of Islamic history. In these respects, in some cases, there is a significant departure from the source text and the translator’s contribution becomes much more evident. Another indication of the Ottomanization process can be seen in the translations made by extracting from the source text. Thus, the focus is on what is meaningful/useful in the Ottoman context/specific to the addressee/audience, and issues that would pose a problem in this respect (such as the conditions required for the caliph and especially the issue of the Qurayshism of the caliphate) are omitted.
Finally, the article touches upon the issue of which of the classical texts that are frequently referenced in contemporary Islamic political thought literature have not been translated into Ottoman Turkish, and it is determined that many classical texts that are considered important by contemporary Islamic political thought literature (such as Ibn Muqaffā, al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ibn Bājja, Mawardī, Ferrā, al-Juwaynī, and Ibn Jamā'a's works) were not translated by Ottoman translators. This situation necessitates a rethinking of the Mavardī and al-Farabi-centered historiography of political thought, which is the dominant conception of contemporary literature.
When the translation preferences, procedures and dispositions of the Ottoman translators are evaluated as a whole, it is understood that a significant portion of the translated texts constitute an important part of Ottoman political thought as texts that were largely shaped by the contributions of the translators and that have originality. Therefore, any study that does not take translated works into consideration or ignores the multidimensional aspect of these works will be far from reflecting the holistic picture of Ottoman political thought.
Keywords: Islamic political thought, Ottoman political thought, Ottoman translation movements, translation studies, translation strategies.
 

Adorned with Roman Dress, Embellished with Turkish Style:
On the Reasons for the Translation of Political Thought Works into Ottoman Turkish
Translations from Arabic and Persian in the field of political thought mainly by Ottoman scholars and bureaucrats constitute the founding elements of Ottoman political thought. This article, trying to shed light on the reasons for the translation of works of Islamic political thought into Turkish during the Ottoman period, limits itself to the Ottoman classical period (between the 14th and 18th centuries). This article examines why 172 translated texts found to have been made in the field of politics in the aforementioned period, why the translated works were chosen, whether they contain an assessment of the previous translations of the same work, if any, what kind of procedure was followed in the translations, what were the reasons for the savings such as reductions or additions made in the translation. In this study, also the information given by the translators about why they translated the texts will be examined. Thus, it will be tried to determine which motives were effective in the emergence of translated works, which is one of the ways of producing political thought in the Ottoman Empire.
In the article, the reasons for translation, which sometimes overlap with each other, are discussed by decomposing and exemplifying as much as possible, and a total of fourteen different reasons for translations have been identified. These reasons are listed under the following headings in the article: Extending the benefit to the public; the request by the politicians;  the previous translations being insufficient, problematic or difficult to understand; translating since the book is the best in its field; the hope to obtain rewards, receive blessings, win the hereafter;  the desire on commending right and forbidding wrong, training the princes, the desire to guidance and advice; personal preferences/the idea of translation is born to the translator’s heart; the easy language of the text to be easily memorized; the text can be easily understood and interpreted; sustenance and salary concern; the need to express the text in Turkish; the author’s request for translation; avoiding the criticisms to be directed to the author in case the work is copyrighted; not having enough intellectual capacity to create an independent work.
Keywords: Islamic political thought, Ottoman political thought, translation movements, reasons for translation, politics.

The works that deal with individual and social issues and are mostly written on the subjects of targhīb, tarhīb, kabā’ir, maḥārim, and bid‘a are of great importance in terms of determining the ways in which the ʿulama interact with the politicians. The basic question of this article, which aims to demonstrate this importance, is:
“Can the books of encouragement to commit good deeds and the works on major sins
and innovations be read as texts for political opposition, criticism, and influencing politics?” On the one hand, the ʿulama draw a framework for acceptable political administration in the books they write to encourage the Muslim population to include some concepts in their lives such as justice, equity, al-amr bi-al-ma‘rūf, generosity, consultation, and humility. Conversely, they allocate a special place to the attitudes of politicians in the texts in which they deal with major sins, especially oppression and injustice. By doing so, a framework is drawn for sharī‘a-based politics. In addition, the texts imposing responsibility on politicians as well as ʿulama in the removal of “organized/socially problematic issues (bida‘)” that are contrary to the authentic religious life should also be evaluated within the context of this literature. In this paper, Idrīs b. Baydakīn’s (d. 710/1310) work entitled al-Luma‘ fī al-ḥawādīth wa al-bida‘ will be examined in line with the research question and subject framework depicted above. The main argument of the article is that Ibn Baydakīn expressed his criticism and opposition to his contemporary politicians in terms of establishing a sound religious life, and through this text, he wrote and urged them to keep their deeds within the framework of the sharī‘a. Thus, the article firstly aims to clarify that it is possible to examine the issues related to Islamic political thought through different source texts as can be observed through the example of the Mamlūk case. On the other hand, the contemporary literature evaluating the ʿulama-politics relations within the framework of “absolute obedience” or “silencing and not getting involved” perspectives will be indirectly criticized by the findings of this study.
In this article, firstly, the literatures of al-aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya and bid‘a before Ibn Baydakin are discussed, thus a framework is formed about the background of the issue.
Al-aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya works written by al-Māwardī (d. 450/1058), Abū Ya‘lā al-Farrā’
(d. 458/1066) and al-Juwaynī (d. 478/1085) mention the issue of protecting religion
and fighting against bida‘ among the duties of the head of state. In particular, al-Juwaynī stands out as an author who gives the most comprehensive evaluations in this respect. The authors, Muḥammad b. Waḍḍāḥ al-Qurṭubī (d. 286/899), Ibn Abī Randaqa al-Ṭurṭūshī (d. 520/1126), Abū ‘Abd al-Allāh al-Maqdisī (d. 643/1245), and Abū Shāma al-Maqdisī (d. 665/1267), whose bida‘ and ḥawādith books are studied in this article, focus on the responsibility of the ʿulama rather than pointing out the roles of politicians in the fight against bid‘a. Inheriting these two traditions, Ibn Baydakīn’s al-Luma‘ work is essentially included in the literature of bida‘, but it has a privileged place in this literature in terms of dealing with the issue in connection with the politicians. Ibn Baydakīn deals with the issue with an approach close to the point of view of the works of al-aḥkām al-sulṭāniyya. For al-Luma‘ is a text that addresses the practices that it describes as bida‘ and warns politicians about the measures to be taken against them.
The author, who lived in all the important centers of the Mamlūk geography and obtained his findings in the book mostly from his own observations, deals with the “living bidaʿ” of the Mamlūks. It cooperates with the important representatives of the four madhhabs in combating the spread of bida‘ and acts jointly with these scholars.
The author, who examines the prevention of bida‘ on the basis of the rule of al-amr bi-alma‘rūf wa al-nahy ‘an al-munkar, assigns different levels of responsibility to politicians, ʿulama, and the common people. Since the level of influence of the ʿulama and the common people is limited, it highlights the role of politicians. The responsibility of the politicians comes to the fore, especially in the fight against “organized bidaʿ” that exceeds the power of the ʿulama. In this context, the institution of Futuwwa, Qalandarīs, and Marzuqīs are examined in detail. Moreover, other bida‘ that are giving the sole responsibility to the politicians are discussed. Bida‘ on various issues such as hunting, eating, and drinking, bida‘ in masjids and jāmi‘s, bidaʿ specific to special days, bidaʿ made by people who meet each other, bidaʿ on the issue of making friends with Jews and Christians, the attitude of Muslims regarding non-Muslim holy days, and the ‘īd al-shahīd are examined. These bidaʿ, which take place in a wide framework, are the subject of remarkable evaluations, especially in terms of their relation to politics.
In terms of their evaluations, the work also includes the criticism of the administrators
who themselves are instruments of bidaʿ and do not struggle against the spreading of it.
In this respect, Ibn Baydakīn, who differs clearly from all the previous literature of bidaʿ
in terms of assigning duties to politics and criticizing politicians, puts politics into action as an instrument in the service of religion. Acting under the guidance of the ʿulama, the author brings forward a prototype of a politician who will personally lead in removing all the negativities from the social life that Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jamāʿa’s membership does not approve of and who also will not go beyond the framework of this creed in his own life. The book, which makes references to the principles of political ethics and ideal political administration, in addition to the issues related to bidaʿ, can thus be read as a political thought text at the same time. In this state, al-Luma‘ is discussed in this article as a work suitable for reading from different perspectives, including the importance of following the sharī‘a/‘ulama, the limits of obedience to politicians, imposing duties on politicians, and direct threats to politicians.
Keywords: Ibn Baydakīn, bid‘a, Mamlūks, political critics

INTRODUCTION TO THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE MAMLUK PERIOD:
REVIVAL OF THE TRADITION OF “Al-AHKAM AL-SULTANIYYA” AND STRUGGLE TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM OF LEGITIMACY

EXTENDED ABSTRACT
The new situation that emerged following the collapse of the Baghdad-based Abbasid
Caliphate in 1258 brought about a number of developments in terms of political thought. .The institution of the caliphate had been renovated in 1261 by Egypt-centered Mamluks, a realm which had been founded immediately prior to the fall of the caliphate, and this new structure of the caliphate had encouraged many scholars to enquire into various aspects of politics, especially the caliphate issue. In addition, the ongoing conflicts with the Mongols and the Crusaders had influenced the attitudes and the language of texts in the field. Moreover, with the influence of competition with the neighboring Islamic states, sometimes in times of war and sometimes in times of peace, a rich literature of political thought had been collected in the Mamluk era.
This study tries to draw together some thoughts on the diversity of political thought texts in the Mamluk period and tries to shed light on the main issues of that period. Additionally, the study draws attention to two main arguments on “political-jurisprudential ahkâm”: The debates on the caliphate-sultanate axis which revive the tradition of al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya and the problems of political legitimacy stemming from the question of being a Qureshi or not. The main claim of the article is that the different fiqh tendencies of the time triggered discussions on politics, as a result of which a rich literature emerged. This article focuses only on the written literature
of the field, bearing in mind the fact that there is a variety of sources regarding this literature.
It is possible to categorize the main issues of the political texts of the Mamluk era as follows:
1. Political- Jurisprudential Issues
a. The question of the caliphate and the sultanate that came to the fore following the
emergence of the Egyptian Abbasid caliphate as a consequence of the fall of the Abbasid caliphate; the issues particularly related to the problem of being a Qureshi or not; and the issue of legitimacy.
b. The discussions on siyasa shariyya that arose with the influence of The Great yāsā of Chingiz Khān, the practices of mazalim and hisbe as an extension of this, and the discussions about the most appropriate mazhab for the state which aimed to change the mazhab preference of the state if it was deemed necessary.
c. The jihad/siyer, bağy and âdâb-ı harb/the art of war literature, that was formed with the influence of the wars with the Crusaders, Mongolians and other Islamic states, and also ahkamof zımmîs as an extension of this subject.
d• Since a dynastic model could not be properly executed, the power would change hands frequently. Hence issues like dethroning (hal‘), resignation and coup are among the main issues.
e• The pressing need to establish institutions dealing with social control, and the
responsibilities that politicians had in the face of the emergence of vital social problems/bid’ahs.
2. Adab Literature: Political Nasihatnâmes
c. Moral, political and historical texts written for sultans whose religious and cultural
backgrounds were relatively limited and who did not have sufficient experience; the texts written for the purpose of the education of the sultan.
d. The literature on official correspondence.
e. Texts including the speeches of meetings attended by the sultan, and the divan which contains the sultan’s poems.
f. Texts written for other state officials.
The literature addressing all the above-mentioned issues constitutes the main sources of political thought in the Mamluk period. The following issues should also be added to the pool of resources:
3. Issues Related to Social-Cultural Life-Political Thought
g. Classification of sciences and unmûzac books.
h. Texts about the social-cultural life in Mamluk period.
i. Encyclopedic works.
Following this general introduction, the article firstly focuses on the debates taking place around the caliphate and the sultanate axis which revive the tradition of al-Ahkâm al-sultaniye. In this context, Ibn Jamâa (d. 733/1333), the first author whose opinions are examined in this study, tried to draw a legal framework around the caliphate-sultanate separation in his book entitled Tahrîr al-ahkâm fî tadbîr ahl al-Islâm”. While another shafi faqih, Muhibbuddin al-Maqdisi (d. 888/1483), strengthened the position of the Mamluk sultan and pushed the caliphate institution to the background in his work Bazl an-nesâih as-shar'iyya, Ibn al-Mibred (d. 909/1503) from
the Banî Qudâme family heavily criticized the regime at the time and proposed an alternative ruling model centered around a Qureshi caliphate in his work Izâh turuk al-istikâme.
The competition between the Mamluks and the Ilhanites who adopted Shiite practices
in the Olcaytu period also caused intellectual fragmentation. For instance, Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) wrote titled Minhâc as-sunnah an-nabaviyyah as a refutation for al-Hillî’s (d. 726/1325) work entitled Minhâc al-karâmah. Zahabî (d. 748/1348) who wrote a summarized version of Ibn Taymiyya’s voluminous book and who also wrote imamah texts as a rejection of Shiite understanding of imamah, took his place among studies which discussed the issue of the imamah-caliphate debate.
The second issue examined by this study is the problem of political legitimacy stemming from the question of Qureyishness. This issue is analyzed through three types of texts. Ideas of Hayrbaytî (d. 844/after 1440-1441), who had established the formulation of “the sultan being appointed by Qureshi” in his work titled al-Durra al-garrâ will be studied at first. Secondly, the approach of Arab faqih al-Maqdisî from Quds (d. 896/after 1490-1491) will be examined. The latter wrote a thesis titled Duval al-Islâm as-sharîfa that claims Arabs lost the quality for political leadership and that the existing gap was filled by the Turks. Finally, two other books, Nafâis macâlis al-sultâniyya and al-Ukûd al-Cavhariyya, are discussed in this study. Those books draw attraction since they include the records of Kansu Gavrî’s (d. 922/1516) discussions with the ruling elite about the Circassians’ attempts to establish a link between Circassians and the Arabs or prophets Ishaq and Yaqub.
The works included in this study, which are about the problem of the caliphate-sultanate separation and about the problems of legitimacy, also show that the political attitudes of ulama from different sects sometimes correspond with each other in Mamluk political thought. The efforts of both Hanafi and Shafii scholars to recognize the legitimacy of Mamluk sultans are meaningful from this perspective. There are texts showing what a rich environment of discussion had taken place. For instance, there were scholars who defended the idea that some applications of the Mamluk period were a departure from the legitimate political applications of earlier periods. And also this departure constitutes a problem that should be solved. By taking the detailed information about the identities, legal sects and political positions of the
scholars into consideration, the extensive analyzes will give an opportunity to better realize the Mamluk political thought on the one hand, and also facilitate the process of understanding the thoughts of Ottoman scholars who contacted this knowledge on the other. Moreover, by so doing, a fruitful ground is expected to emerge for Ottoman political thought studies.

Keywords: Mamluks, political-jurisprudential ahkâm, al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya, caliphate, sultanate, legitimacy.

ABSTRACT
The rulers’ changes in the Islamic states points to a phenomenon in which the important issues of political thought, such as legitimacy, obedience-opposition balance, rebellion to power, the possibility to dethrone the head of the state and its legal position in the sharia, are intertwined. This paper, which aims to analyze the “power changes” witnessed during the period described as “the history of Caliphs” which is from Umayyad period to the end of the Ottoman area, in terms of the reasons reflected in classical history books, will focus on whether this issue, which is framed in texts with political-jurisprudential provisions, is corresponding in concrete cases or not. At the same time, in the article, which includes the criticism of the academic approaches dealing with the political attitudes of Islamic societies within the framework of absolute obedience and despotism, the ways of changing power are examined under three main headings: Hal‘ (Violation of the principle of obeying Shari‘a, health problems and incapability), resignation and revolution (to be evaluated as a baği and political conflicts/riots). The main claim of the article is that the binding principle of Sharia in texts with political-fiqhi provisions is in a central position in the changes of power as reflected in the classical history books and that the concrete reflections of the concepts such as bay’ah, hal‘, fısk and fitnah in historical events cannot be denied. This reveals that, in some cases, the Sharia process of political change has been obeyed, the sharia-political taakkul process, which was initiated by the ulama and the other government, played an important role in this matter.
Keywords: Islamic political thought, obedience, hal‘, resignation, revolution.
Dîvân DİSİPLİNLERARASI ÇALIŞMALAR DERGİSİ Cilt 24 sayı 47 (2019)

The absence of an elaborate and complete list of Ottoman political thought manuscripts constitutes a serious obstacle to be able to analyze the sources in the field and to make use of them. This study aims to make a modest contribution to the elimination of the lack of knowledge about the texts in this area. With such an aim, the study aims to introduce an Arabic treatise written by an unknown author who was involved in the private conversation with Mehmed II (d. 1481) and dedicated his treatise to Bayezid II. The name of the book, the possibilities about the identity of the author, the main issues of it and the main features and resources of the treatise will be examined in this study. In this treatise, which conveys the necessary information for an ideal state administration, the issues of ethics, politics and history are intertwined and also a special attention is given to the issues of âdâb-ı harb (art of war). Presenting Mehmed the Conqueror as the ideal sultan prototype within the text, the necessity of having proper action with the Shari’ah, jihad as an obligation to be performed, the comparison between the Ottomans and the Mamluks, and the history of Andulusia and its situation in late XVth century are among the issues attracting attention.

Keywords: Hikmah amaliyyah, politics, Ottoman political thought, Mehmed II, Bayezid II.

Thinking Politics, Law, and Ethics in Cairo in the Fifteenth Century:
Ali al-Ghazzali’s Treatise, Tahrir al-Suluk fi Tadbir al-Muluk
---
Various considerations exist in the literature about the author
of Tahrir al-Suluk fi Tadbir al-Muluk, a treatise written
in Cairo during the Mamluk era containing both political
and judicial provisions. The Tahrir was first published by
Fu‘ad Abd al-Mu’im Ahmad, who cited Abu al-Fadl Muhammad
al-A‘raj (d. 1519) as the original author. This study argues
that Abd al-Mu’im Ahmad misidentified the author of
the treatise, and that it was actually written in 1454 by Ali
b. Muhammed al-Gazzali (d.1473/74), who passed away 50
years before al-A‘rec.
The Tahrir consists of four main parts: the prologue, introduction,
main part, and conclusion. The prologue deals
with the importance and responsibilities of the ruler, while
the introduction addresses his ethical qualities. The main
part, the longest section of the study, focuses on the issue
of mazalim. The conclusion attempts to place the acts of the
caliph regarding criminal law into an Islamic framework.
The treatise analyzes decrees about procedures for judicial
rulings, with an eye to the conditions of the period, and
uses this analysis as the basis for describing the position of
political authority. Additionally, it discusses possible ways
of applying the sharia in cases that exceed judges’ responsibility,
authority, or ability.
Ali al-Gazzali divides these decrees into two types, according
to who carries them out. Judges apply judicial decrees
(ahkam), while rulers apply political ones (siyasa). Sharia
is thus presented as a higher category encompassing both
ahkam and siyasa. The treatise deserves special attention
for emphasizing this distinction, which traces back to al-
Mawardi (d. 1058), and bringing it once again to the fore in
fifteenth-century Cairo.
Keywords: Political-Legal Rules, Mazalim, Mamluks, Criminal
Law.

The Politics from the Perspective of an Ottoman Judge: Latāif al-afkār va kāshif al-asrār or An Explanation of the Ottoman Sultanate from the Perspective of Islamic Jurisprudence

The study aims to enlighten the question of whether there is a study penned from a fiqhī approach in the literature of Ottoman political thought or not. Methodologically, the study focuses on an encyclopaedic book, Latāif al-afkār va kāshif al-asrār written in Arabic probably in 935/1529 by Husain bin al-Hasan, an Ottoman judge, and dedicated to Ibrahim Pāshā, Grand Vizier of Sultan Sulaymān the Lawyer.

Different Approaches to Ijtihad and Taqlid in Indian Sub-Continent in the Modernization Period: An Inquiry Within the Context of Muhammad Iqbal’s Views
This article discusses the intellectual transformation of Indian Sub-Continent after Shah Wali Allah of Delhi, and concentrates especially on the views of Muhammad Iqbal, who has a completely different perspective of ijtihad from the classical perception of this concept. It also aims to show that Iqbal discusses ijtihad and taqlid in an unfamiliar context to Fiqh. Moreover it evaluates the reactions of some scholars who describe themselves as the followers of Shah Wali Allah to this “different” ijtihad approach developed in their times. Ultimately it tries to show the transformation of some classifications and concepts of classical Islamic civilization in the period of modernization on the base of the concepts of ijtihad and taqlid.

Islamic political thought has recently become an important topic of discussion. For this reason, it is important to examine the classical fiqh tradition in terms of political thought, thus opening a new space for inquiry. Based on this assumption, the present paper examines the question of the caliphate within the context of the Siyāsa al-dunyā wa al-dīn of Saīd ibn İsmail al-Aksarāyī; Aksarāyī was a Hanafi jurist of Sufi-origins and a madrasa professor. Because the book treats matters of faith, worship and state administration within the same conceptual framework and discusses them collectively, I prefer to call it a kind of "political catechism” or ilmihāl of politics. This is an important work which reflects the overall interest of the ulamā in the Turkish region in the relationship between fiqh and politics. As a Hanafi scholar, the author investigates various politico-juridical topics in the book from a somewhat unique perspective. The paper discusses topics related to the caliphate, including the necessity, conditions and functions of the caliphate, as well as the concepts of ul al-amr (ruler) and bay'ah (consent) in a comparative fashion, locating these terms in the relevant literature on "politico-juridical ahkām."

Keywords: Politico-juridical ahkām, Islamic political thought, Ilmihāl of politics, khilafa

This article discusses how Imâm al-Haramayn al-Juwaynî
evaluates the question of “politico-juridical ahkâm” within
his Giyâth al-Umam and it criticizes Wael B. Hallaq and Patricia Crone’s arguments about al-Juwaynî’s ideas that dwells on that distinction. In the aforementioned book al-Juwaynî differentiates the “politico-juridical ahkâm” into two depending on whether they are certain (qat‘î) or impressionistic (zannî) in terms of their attainment. The certain rules include the issues that directly concern the ummah, while the impressionistic rulings are those that are left to the ijtihâd of the scholars because of the lack of a definitive evidence (dalîl) about them. Grounded theoretically in the literature on the jurisprudential methodology, the seperation between the qat‘î and zannî rules is also introduced in the al-Giyâthî depending
on which the issues in the book are discussed. Yet,
Hallaq and Crone view this differentiation as an alternative to al-Mâwardî’s theory of caliphate and they accuse al-Juwaynî for “secularizing the caliphate” through enabling powerful military leaders to assume the position of caliphate.

The concept of tajdîd has an important place in the Islamic thought because of its crucial role for the endeavors that try to establish a strong relationship between religion and the actual life. This article focuses on the tajdîd and its different interpretations before the modern age on the basis of Suyûtî’s al-Tanbia bi man yab‘asuhu Allâh alâ ra’s kull mia. The article consists of the authenticity of tajdîd tradition, results that arise because of its different narrations, criteria of being a mujaddid, nature of the tajdîd, names of mujaddids, and how the expression of century in the tajdîd tradition can be understood.

Kendisinden “duâgû” ve “vâiz” olarak bahseden kimliği meçhul müellif er-Risâletü’n-nizâmiyye fi’d-devleti’l-İslâmiyye [İslâm Devletinde Nizamın Sağlanmasına Dair Risale] başlıklı eserini 1099/1687 yılında tahta çıkan Sultan II. Süleyman’a ithaf etmiştir. Rüşvet, zulüm ve liyakatsizliğin yaygınlaşması başta olmak üzere devletin işleyişindeki bozulmalardan ve bunları düzeltme yollarından bahseden bu risalenin kaynak metin kullanımı ve kavramsal çerçevesi yazarın sûfî-meşreb bir âlim olduğunu göstermektedir.
Bu çalışma Arapça olarak kaleme alınan bu eserin muhtasar bir incelemesi, Türkçe tercümesi ve iki farklı yazma nüshası esas alınarak yapılan tenkitli neşrinden oluşmaktadır.

lmi Etüdler Derneği (İLEM), 23 Şubat Cumartesi günü Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Prof. Dr. Raşit Küçük Salonu’nda İslam Siyaset Düşüncesi (İSD) Katalog Projesi ve İslam Siyaset Düşüncesi Kitabı Tanıtım Toplantısı gerçekleştirdi. Programda projenin önemi, kataloğun ve kitabın literatüre katkıları ele alındı. İLEM Blog olarak kataloğun yürütücüleri Hızır Murat Köse ve Özgür Kavak ile kataloğa dair bir röportaj gerçekleştirdik. Keyifli okumalar dileriz.