Ius commune

After describing the academic career of Professor Antonio Pérez Martín, this article describes his main lines of research. In doing so, it starts with his Proles aegediana, and then gives an account of the critical edition of several legal sources of different Spanish traditions (particularly from Aragón, Castile and Catalonia), as well as the ius commune and its reception in the Iberian Peninsula. It also explains the current projects on which Prof. Pérez Martín is working. The paper ends up with a deserved tribute of gratitude for his scholarly contribution to the Spanish and European legal historiography.

In this article, the author analyses the activity
of colonial institutions in the Philippines during
the Spanish period with references to its ethnic
particularities. In this sense, the “Consultas y
resoluciones varias, teológicas, jurídicas, regulares
y morales” (1687) was an illustrative example of
work about the judicial and extrajudicial resolution
of conflicts in the Philippines under the Habsburgs.
In its pages reflects the academic and colonial
career of its author, named Juan de Paz. The
casuistry and the projection of Thomist thought
are two important characteristics of his juridical
dissertation. The purpose of this paper is the study
of the “Consultas” in regard to his legal, doctrinal
and social considerations about women.

Il saggio intende dimostrare che, subito dopo la pubblicazione, da parte di Alberico Gentili, dei De iuris interpretibus Dialogi sex (1582) e delle Lectiones et Epistolae (1583-1584) i rapporti fra Jean Hotman e il giurista di San Ginesio divennero molto difficili e burrascosi. Lo dimostrano alcune epistole scritte da Hotman ad autorevoli giuristi (ad es. Bodin), e ad alcuni umanisti (Bergmann, Payne, Cuffe, Th. Savile) contenenti critiche molto dure e severe ai Dialogi gentiliani. Malgrado ciò, e malgrado le opposizioni dei puritani, Gentili riuscirà ad ottenere la cattedra di Civil Law a Oxford.Il saggio contiene anche notizie circa il tentativo compiuto, dal Gentili, di ottenere un insegnamento a Tubinga nel 1580.

The creation of Europe under a unifying law has been one of the most important human achievements. This law set out a number of man-made rules, devised to ensure peaceful relations, with the purpose of holding the continent together, albeit not entirely successfully as the history of decades of internal political conflicts demonstrate. Nevertheless, the fragile malleability of this law has meant the endurance of the unity despite conflicts, and its evolution means that it influences what is known today as European law. In A Short History of European Law, Tamar Herzog beautifully and succinctly tells the story of European law in six parts, exploring its journey across different phases of history, from the ancient times to the twentieth century.

Este artículo plantea la importancia de la Integración Regional para el Derecho, dentro del contexto de la ‘glocalización’, explorando las características del Derecho de la Integración y del nuevo Ius Commune, principalmente en Europa y en América, presentando un balance
y una perspectiva de los principales propuestas, mecanismos y proyectos de la Integración Americana, desde el siglo XIX hasta nuestros días.

Il volume illumina la vicenda umana e scientifica di André Tiraqueau, un magistrato attivo per buona parte della sua vita in provincia, anche se destinato a sedere infine nel Parlement di Parigi, nei cui scritti si rispecchiano la cultura, le convinzioni, i valori, in una parola la Weltanschauung della nutrita schiera di giuristi e funzionari regi che sta assumendo con mano sicura la guida della nazione in un'epoca densa di grandi cambiamenti politici, sociali, culturali e religiosi. André Tiraqueau si pone quale significativa figura di giureconsulto che incarna egregiamente alcune delle caratteristiche salienti della cultura giuridica francese nella prima metà del secolo XVI. tra le molte sue opere, alcuni scritti che a nostro avviso si segnalano per originalità e dottrina, nel pur ricchissimo panorama della produzione giuridica d'Oltralpe in età rinascimentale. I trattati "De nobilitate" e "De poenis temperandis", insieme al monumentale lavoro "De legibus connubialibus et iure maritali", sono in modi diversi dedicati ad una reale sperimentazione, relativa tanto ai generi letterari impiegati, quanto soprattutto ai contenuti in essi riversati. In particolare, nel caso del "De legibus connubialibus et iure maritali", ci troviamo di fronte ad un'opera nella quale Tiraqueau pone la propria straripante cultura umanistica al servizio della soluzione della "quaestio de matrimonio", nella sua duplice articolazione, circa il problema della scelta della moglie ed in merito al comportamento da tenere verso la consorte dopo le nozze. In tale opera, mediante la produzione di una massa enorme di allegazioni dotte tratte da tutti i campi dello scibile, l'autore si propone di dimostrare senza alcun dubbio come la donna sia per natura inferiore al maschio, per carenze oggettive psico-fisiche che devono essere riconosciute e neutralizzate, secondo gli insegnamenti aristotelici.

Il saggio ricostruisce il quadro normativo esibito dai Libri feudorum e analizza le prime riflessioni della dottrina (dall’apparato di Pillio da Medicina alla glossa ordinaria di Accursio) in tema di ‘feudo ecclesiastico’, vale a dire sul feudo di diritto comune che investe le res ecclesiae quale oggetto della concessione beneficiale oppure le personae ecclesiasticae quale soggetto attivo o passivo del rapporto vassallatico. L’analisi tiene conto della diffusa utilizzazione degli strumenti feudali da parte della Chiesa d’Occidente nei secoli XI-XIII e mette in luce gli aspetti peculiari della disciplina del feudo ecclesiastico sui quali si è soffermata anche la feudistica: tra i più rilevanti si segnalano le conseguenze dell’assunzione dell’abito religioso da parte del vassallo e le riflessioni di Iacopo d’Ardizzone in tema di infeudazione delle decime ecclesiastiche.

San Marino trust law is embedded in a consolidated civil law tradition stretching back to the ius commune system of fiduciary instruments, thereby making it possible to trace, to a large extent, an itinerary related to common law trusts, and to challenge unwarranted allegations (now, fortunately, fading away) that trusts cannot be transplanted into civil law countries. San Marino has not confined itself to imitating other offshore legislation, but has drawn up a unique trust system reconciling the typical features of international models - thus embarking on the race to attract the trust business within its borders - with the peculiarities of its own system of sources. Hovering between the principles of confidence and patrimonial separation, the international models and ius commune, San Marino trust law proves to be the perfect combination of innovation and tradition, and longs to become a benchmark for the regulation of trusts established in civil law jurisdictions.

There are three key issues that should be addressed in the subject of pecunia traiecticia. First of all, a question whether the Roman concept of sea loan survived in the centuries following the Roman Empire. Secondly, did it inspire any other legal solution in the Western legal tradition? Finally, can one expect that pecunia traiecticia will return in the future? Answering these can help to find out whether the Roman concept of sea loan is applicable nowadays. The hypothetical revival of an ancient solution is more plausible thanks to the idea of Project Finance and the ongoing process of the decodification of private law.

La lesión enorme, a través de su compleja historia y desarrollo, desde el derecho romano posclásico hasta los modernos instrumentos de derecho uniforme, ha sido la gran institución garante de la justicia de las prestacio-nes del acuerdo contractual. Se ha cuestionado y reinterpretado, ampliado y restringido en numerosas ocasiones, pero el sustrato de justicia material, más allá del acuerdo de voluntades, es lo que se ha mantenido estable. No obstante, en los ordenamientos jurídicos, que tomaron el modelo del Code de Napoleon, es una institución problemática con la autonomía de la voluntad y el pacta sunt servanda. En cambio, en aquellos ordenamientos que le confieren una procedencia amplia, se puede reconocer con claridad la concreción del principio de equilibrio contractual como exigencia de la buena fe objetiva y la equidad. Palabras clave: Laesio enormis, equilibrio contractual, justo precio-Dolus in ipsa res.

The origin of Ius Commune and the role of insigne jurists like Irnerio, Graciano, Bulgarus, etc., have been highly debated in the last dozen years. Here is a summary of this controversy that joined academic scholars from the various quadrants of the planet, similarly to what happened in the twelfth century.

... Ezequiel Abásolo. ... Extendida su existencia más allá de la emancipación, no debe perderse de vista que el derecho indiano se integró en plenitud en la esfera jurídica de Occidente, razón que explica por qué el ius commune se erigió, al decir de Bernardino Bravo Lira, en su ...

This brief communication brings up the question concerning the extent in which eventual fragments of Roman law were converted into Ius proprium and became direct source of Portuguese law through the Official Compendium of Ordenações Afonsinas. Undoubtedly, the arrival in Portugal of the romanistic principles spread throughout Europe, mainly from the Studium of Bologna, happened very early. With the removal of the Visigoth Code, the kingdom of Portugal showed great interest in the penetration of one Ius commune. However in the early centuries there was a certain opposition from the juridical tradition foralenga and consuetudinary. With the overcoming of this initial resistance, quickly Roman law takes primacy in the cast of subsidiary sources, as was demonstrated in title 9º of book II of the collection Afonsina. In short, there are evidential references scattered throughout the legislative text Afonsino that manifest a frequent recourse to texts of Roman law, v. g, the contractual principle of laesio enormis.

Dante Fedele’s new work of reference reveals the medieval foundations of international law through a comprehensive study of a key figure of late medieval legal scholarship: Baldus de Ubaldis (1327-1400). A student of Bartolus de Sassoferrato, Baldus wrote both extensive commentaries on Roman, canon and feudal law and thousands of consilia originating from particular cases. His writings dealt with numerous issues related to sovereignty, territorial jurisdiction, diplomacy and war, combining a rich conspectus of earlier scholarship with highly creative ideas that exercised a profound influence on later juristic thought. The detailed picture of the international law doctrines elaborated by a prominent medieval jurist offered in this study contributes to our understanding of the intellectual archaeology of international law.

"Dr. Fedele’s monograph will no doubt become a necessary work of reference for any scholar interested in the history of international law. [...] Beyond the specific doctrines on particular areas of international law, Dr. Fedele’s study of Baldus shows how in the area of international governance, jurists sought to marshal different expressions of normativity." - Alain Wijffels, Foreword

La diferencia entre las dos familias de Derecho Administrativo Comparado (civil law y common law) se ha atemperado, en especial, a resultas de la globalización. Esto permite identificar raíces convergentes derivadas del ius commune, lo que facilita la identificar de principios generales de Derecho Administrativo, especialmente, en el espacio global.

Using the legal literature of the ius commune and a body of texts commonly known as the “treatises on the ambassador”, this research examines the birth and the development of the "experience" of diplomacy from the 13th to the 17th Century. It aims, in particular, to explore the development of the figure of the ambassador within a field of problematization involving ethics, politics and law.
After some methodological and historical remarks, the thesis deals with the development of the status of the ambassador from two perspectives, the legal and the professional. Regarding his legal status, the medieval legal conceptualisation of the role of the ambassador as a genuine public “office”, and that of the diplomatic function as “representation”, are examined. The way in which these conceptualisations help to define the negotiating powers conferred on the ambassador, his immunities and the honours to which he is entitled is then considered. This analysis allows for an investigation of the complex links between the exercise of diplomacy and claims to sovereignty during Europe’s transition from the Middle Ages to Modernity. Regarding his professional status, the thesis reconstructs the functions of the ambassador (particularly in relation to information gathering and negotiation), the means provided for the ambassador to undertake his functions (his salary and the assignment of an escort) and the objective, intellectual or moral qualities required of him. As well as illustrating the techniques which have been required for ambassadorial success since the 15th Century, this analysis offers some hints for studying the professionalization of public officials and the emergence of the modern criteria of political analysis.

Quem eram os inquisidores portugueses? Como suas práticas judiciais evoluíram ao longo dos quase trezentos anos de existência do Santo Ofício em Portugal? Que fé, que confiança, os inquisidores tinham em seus próprios julgamentos? A fé dos juízes refaz a história da Inquisição portuguesa a partir de um ponto de vista jurídico, das carreiras e das dissensões existentes entre os inquisidores. Vemos que bastante rapidamente muitos de seus membros, geração após geração, deixaram de acreditar na eficácia dos métodos empregados no julgamento dos casos de heresia, e que essas insatisfações são um importante elemento das reformas dos anos 1770. Conta-se assim a história do Santo Ofício português, antes do seu declínio final, a partir daquilo que era o cerne da sua existência: os processos por heresia.

Il termine transactio veniva usato principalmente in due accezioni: in senso proprio (transactio proprie et stricte sumpta) e in senso metaforico (transactio methaphorice sumpta).
Per quanto concerne la "transactio methaphorice sumpta", trattavasi di una accezione del termine transactio talmente ampia, vaga ed onnicomprensiva da potervi far rientrare ogni tipo di contratto. Come si legge infatti nel Tractatus de transactionibus di Giuseppe Orceoli: “Metaphorice tamen
simplicius sumpta accipitur transigere pro decidere, et quoquomodo rem, seu negotium finire, conficere et expedire, ut nullum amplius sit negotium”
Questa amplissima accezione del termine transactio derivava dall’originario significato del verbo transigere (attestato da diverse fonti - anche letterarie - latine), indicante genericamente la conclusione di un negozio. Di qui, i giuristi medioevali elaborarono tale categoria concettuale, la cui ampiezza semantica, poco dopo la metà del secolo XVII, è stata ben fotografata da queste parole di Emanuel Roman Valeron:
“[transactio] pro cuiuscumque negotii terminatione accipitur” .
Questa particolare accezione del termine transactio era certamente dai giuristi medioevali. Secondo Giovanni Bassiano, infatti, nella legge Contractus del Codex (= C. 4, 21, 17), il lemma transactio doveva considerarsi sinonimo di contractus;
e, sulla scorta di questa affermazione, Giovanni Bertacchini, nel suo Repertorium iuris, scriveva: “Transactio improprie dicitur contractus”.
Proprio in questo senso, la parola transactio, aveva fatto le sue prime apparizioni nelle fonti documentali abruzzesi, verso la fine del secolo XII.
Tale amplissima accezione del termine, però, scomparve quasi completamente nei secoli successivi: nel tredicesimo secolo, ed ancor di più nei due secoli successivi, i giuristi abruzzesi presero dimestichezza con la terminologia giuridica giustinianea, che iniziarono ad utilizzare con padronanza e consapevolezza. La parola transactio, con la piena riscoperta del diritto romano
giustinianeo, aveva oramai un significato giuridico ben preciso:  quello di "non gratuita pactio, aliquo dato vel retento vel remisso" (C. 2, 4, 38; D., 12 , 5, 1). Non avrebbe quindi avuto alcun senso continuare ad adoperare tale termine come sinonimo di contractus. Un simile impiego del lemma, anzi, avrebbe solamente potuto generare confusione, magari facendo sembrare transazioni negozi che in realtà nulla
avevano a che vedere con lo schema transattivo. SUMMARY:
The term transactio was used mainly in two senses: in the proper sense (transactio proprie et stricte sumpta) and metaphorical sense (transactio methaphorice sumpta).
Regarding the "transactio methaphorice sumpta", it was a matter of a sense of the term transactio so broad, vague and all-encompassing that we can bring to indent each type of contract. As we read in the Tractatus de transactionibus of Joseph Orceoli: "Metaphorice tamen
simplicius sumpta accipitur settle pro decide, et quoquomodo rem, seu negotium end, conficere et expedire, ut nullum amplius sit negotium "
This very broad sense of the term transactio derived from the original meaning of the word compromise (attested by various sources - even literary - Latin), indicating the end of a general store. Hence, the medieval jurists elaborated this conceptual category, whose amplitude semantics, shortly after the middle of the seventeenth century, was well photographed by these words of Emanuel Roman Valeron:
"[Transactio] pro cuiuscumque negotii terminatione accipitur".
This particular meaning of the term was certainly known by medieval jurists. According to Johannes Bassianus, in fact, in the law Contractus Codex (C = 4, 21, 17), the word transactio had to be considered synonymous with contractus;
and, on the basis of this statement, Johannes Bertacchinus in his Repertorium iuris, wrote: "transactio improper dicitur contractus".
In this sense, the word transactio made his first appearances in the documentary sources of Abruzzo, in the late twelfth century.
This very broad sense of the term, however, almost completely disappeared in the following centuries: the thirteenth century, and even more in the next two centuries, the jurists of Abruzzo took familiar with legal terminology of Justinian, who began to use with mastery and awareness. The word transactio, with the full rediscovery of Roman law
Justinian now had a legal meaning in mind: to "non gratuita pactio, aliquo dato vel retento seu promisso" (C. 2, 4, 38; D., 12, 5, 1). It would therefore make no sense to continue to use this term as a synonym for contractus. Such use of the word, in fact, would only have generated confusion, maybe making it look transactions stores that actually nothing had to do with the pattern settlement.

English - The oldest testimonies of the Justinian Novel’s collection in unabridged latin version (Authenticum) show that the medieval tradition of this text remained extremely floating until Accursius’s age. Differences concern non only the number of the constitutions (between 93 and 133) but also their sequence. It’s difficult to explain how the Glossators decided which constitutions to consider and which to exclude. The reason why of such fluidity lays probably in the critical position hold by Irnerius about the Authenticum. An ancient gloss (conserved till us in two versions) confirm the legend according to what the Bolognese master questioned the authenticity of the Authenticum. His skepticism was based on both philological and juridical arguments and there is no matter to believe that he changed his mind. In spite of that he was interested in Authenticum and he draws the authenticate from it. How could we explain such a contradictory approach? It’s possible that – having read in the Const. Cordi how the Tribonian’s commission worked on the redaction of the Codex repetitae praeletionis – Irnerius thought that the novellae constitutiones couldn’t be compared with the constitutions of the Codex: it was missing such an treatment. Irnerius could have thought to realize by himself this work of selection, revision and refinement of the ‘new’ constitutions that, by the time, Justinian attributed to Tribonian.

Italiano - L’analisi dei più antichi manoscritti rivela come la tradizione medievale della collezione di novellae in versione integrale latina (Authenticum) sia rimasta estremamente fluttuante sino all’epoca di Accursio. Le varianti riguardano sia il numero di novelle presenti in ciascun testimone (da 93 sino a 133) sia l’ordine in cui le stesse sono disposte. È difficile comprendere i criteri che guidarono i singoli maestri della glossa nella selezione delle costituzioni da considerare. È possibile che una simile variabilità dipenda dalla posizione assunta da Irnerio di fronte al Liber Authenticorum. Una glossa (a noi giunta in due versioni) conferma l’antica tradizione secondo cui il caposcuola bolognese avrebbe dubitato dell’autenticità dell’Authenticum. Le motivazioni di Irnerio riguardano sia il profilo filologico sia quello giuridico e nulla fa pensare che egli abbia mai cambiato opinione. Ciò nondimeno Irnerio lavorò sull’Authenticum e ne trasse le authenticae. Come spiegare un simile contraddittorio atteggiamento? Forse, leggendo nella Const. Cordi dell’attività svolta dai commissari di Triboniano durante la preparazione del Codex repetitae praelectionis, Irnerio ritenne che le novellae constitutiones – che non avevano ricevuto analogo trattamento – non potessero equipararsi alle norme contenute nel Codex. Irnerio potrebbe allora aver pensato di svolgere personalmente quel lavoro di selezione, rielaborazione e raffinamento delle ‘nuove’ costituzioni che, a suo tempo, Giustiniano aveva affidato a Triboniano.

From the eleventh century onward, Justinian’s Roman law permeated all European legal systems to different degrees and at different times. The development of Roman law in Europe was not uniform. It followed different courses, had different emphases, and took on different details in each of the major European countries. The fusion of Roman law, canon law, and feudal law produced the ius commune, a common legal system in Europe in force until the era of national codifications. At the end of the sixteenth century, almost all of continental Europe was ruled by ius commune, with significant local variants (ius proprium), and a body of common legal literature. Roman law infused both Catholic Europe and the Protestant culture of Northern Europe. Around 1700, Roman law was used to identify the basic moral principles of natural law and the law of nations. Around 1800, Roman law influenced the French Civil Code and many others in the so-called age of codification. With the German Civil Code (BGB) coming into force in 1900, Roman law lost its direct applicability in European legal practice. Yet the Roman law tradition itself has survived: civil law systems have been so influenced by Roman law that legal interpretation remains incomplete if it does not take into consideration Roman legal sources. In our own day, the study of Roman law has educational purposes and may prove instrumental in the development of a new global law.

This book examined legal recourse for recipients of things exchanged for money, if the thing exchanged turned out to be defective. It explored how continental Western European legal doctrine and practice of the early modern period (1500-1800) formulated the recipient's remedies against the background of Justinianic Roman law, which in the High Middle Ages had become part of the ius commune. Since early modern legal debate about remedies for defects in things exchanged for money mainly evolved around sales and lease of objects, this study focused on the Roman law remedies in their ius commune-clothing available under those types of contracts.