Immigration Policy

German, Scandinavian, and Irish domestic workers were concentrated in the Eastern and Midwestern cities. Irish female immigrants, in particular, were almost exclusively domestics. Diner (1983) posits that in New York virtually every Irish girl during their adolescence spent several years as live-in domestics. In the Southwest, Mexican- American women filled the ranks of domestic service, while in the post-civil war

This article empirically assesses the validity of current theoretical models of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper takes representative data from the World Value Survey and implements a multilevel model to test five of the main theories in the literature: the human capital theory, the social capital theory, the political orientation theory, the contact/group threat theory and the economic competition theory. The results from the analysis lend credence to the important effects of human capital, social capital and political-ideological variables on respondents’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy. However, results provide mixed and weak evidence for the contact/group threat theory and the role of economic determinants. Importantly, economic determinants tend to be more powerful in shaping people’s attitudes toward immigration policy than shaping attitudes toward immigrants as people. Altogether, this article sheds new light on the validity of current theoretical models based on western countries for other areas of the world. Finally, the results from the paper also support the usefulness of non-economic, as opposed to purely economic, models in the understanding of individuals’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region.

In the spring of 2006, millions of Latinos across the country participated in the largest civil rights demonstrations in American history. In this timely and highly anticipated book, Chris Zepeda-Millán analyzes the background, course, and impacts of this unprecedented wave of protests, highlighting their unique local, national, and demographic dynamics. He finds that because of the particular ways the issue of immigrant illegality was racialized, federally proposed anti-immigrant legislation (H.R. 4437) helped transform Latinos' sense of latent group membership into the racial group consciousness that incited their engagement in large-scale collective action. Zepeda-Millán shows how nativist policy threats against disenfranchised undocumented immigrants can provoke a political backlash - on the streets and at the ballot box - from not only 'people without papers', but also naturalized and US-born citizens. Latino Mass Mobilization is an important intervention into contemporary debates regarding immigration policy, the immigrant rights movement, and racial politics in the United States.

The paper is a first critical analysis of the Prüm Convention on deepening transfrontier cooperation, amongst others in view of combating terrorism, transfrontier crime, and illegal migration, which was signed by Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, The Netherlands and Spain on 27 May 2005 and which will enter into force after its ratification by two States. While its scope is

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to explore the process of Hispanization of the U.S.
Southwest. This thesis explores the Hispanization by discussing three key elements; history
of the Southwest, three largest Hispanic subgroups in the Southwest and the actual
Hispanization of the Southwest. This thesis explores the historical reasons for the
occurrence of Mexican immigrants in the Southwest. It aims to show that the Mexicans,
Salvadorans and Guatemalans have faced different obstacles in assimilation into the
American culture. The last part of this work involves examples of the Hispanization in the
Southwest, pros and cons of the Hispanization, the American view on the Hispanic
community and the future of the Hispanics in the United States.

"The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences explores these competing narratives and the consequences of criminalizing immigration in the United States and abroad. It examines the impact of national, state, and local legislation on the psychosocial well being of immigrants. The book explores key ways in which immigration is criminalized, and examines how the problematization of immigration becomes a political tool. The first chapters of the book explore the criminalization of immigration through the lens of pacification and the theater of cruelty. In both chapters, the authors seek to understand the process of “othering” members of the immigrant population to exact social control and to mollify the public. These front chapters set the tone for remainder of the book. They provide the impetus for why states have enacted, or have attempted to enact state level immigration laws that make it nearly impossible for the undocumented to live within the boundaries of these states. In section two, three U.S. states are highlighted: Arizona, Alabama, and Indiana. While the chapters on Arizona and Alabama summarize key aspects of state laws, author Sujey Vega highlights the life of one undocumented immigrant as she navigates life in the Heartland.

The book then turns its focus to the criminalization of immigration in a socio-political context. Here, four chapters provide explorations of the criminalization of immigration on labor standards enforcement, immigrant detention, the right wing perspective in the United States and in Europe, and white supremacy. Labor standards impact the rate by which undocumented immigrants are paid, which in turn impacts their health and safety within and outside the workplace, protections from workplace discrimination, and collective activity protections. The criminalization of immigration erodes many of the workplace and labor protections that we have come to view as essential. Similarly, the privatization of corrections has influenced the incarceration and detention of many undocumented immigrants and has even influenced the very laws described in section two of this book. If not for the possibility of profiting off of the detention of the undocumented, many of immigration related laws would not have come to fruition.

The next section of the book provides a transnational and international context to the criminalization of immigration. With chapters focusing on human rights violations, the transnational dimensions of Mexican migration, the making of the Maras, and the criminalization of immigration in the United Kingdom, these chapters ask the reader to examine the criminalization of immigration from a broader perspective. The reader learns how national issues become international and, likewise how international immigration issues influence national policy.

The final chapters of the book put the human face on the criminalization of immigration. Each chapter represents a case study of a specific aspect of the criminalization of immigration. They approach the issue from the viewpoint of a day laborer, an undocumented woman who has become a victim of domestic violence, a child whose parents are undocumented, and a detention officer who wrestles with his decisions to continue his job. Regardless of which chapters one reads, the raw emotion felt by placing oneself in each context is overwhelming.

Overall, The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences provides a complete examination of an issue that cuts through emotional value conflicts. It provides the facts and knowledge essential for a fair and balanced debate"

This paper examines the relationship between unemployment and immigration in Canada. The bi-directional causality test finds no evidence of a significant effect of Canadian immigration on unem-ployment. Cointegration tests indicate that there is no observed increase in ...

El presente artículo analiza la emigración cubana y la conformación de la comunidad cubanoamericana desde el siglo XIX, la cual responde en lo fundamental a: 1. Las convulsiones políticas y la dinámica socioeconómica de Cuba, 2. El tipo y nivel de las relaciones Cuba-Estados Unidos, en espacial con posterioridad a 1959, y 3. El propio ritmo de auto reproducción del fenómeno a partir de las características de los individuos y las familias involucradas, en las condiciones particulares de Cuba, el enclave cubanos en Miami y estados Unidos en general como sociedad receptora. En dicho proceso los factores políticos tienen un fuerte componente en diversas etapas, aspecto que le otorga un carácter específico y de ventajas a los cubanos respecto a otras migraciones de Latinoamérica y el Caribe, sobre todo por la excepcionalidad de los emigrados en los años sesenta y la espacial política migratoria instrumentada por el gobierno de Estados Unidos para facilitar la entada e inserción de los cu...

Three disparate yet related things happened in November 2008 that suggest it is apposite to revisit a film that was controversial when released but which provides a
sophisticated reading of London in the early 21st century. First, Dirty Pretty Things (Frears 2002) was aired on Channel 4. Second, ID cards started to be issued to overseas nationals and airport workers. Third, London Mayor Boris Johnson called for an amnesty for all British migrants working illegally. Soon after the film was released the frenzied moral panic about asylum seekers was peaking, until knocked off the tabloid agenda by the Iraq war. The film was controversial when released and still provokes strong positive and negative reactions. It weaves together with great aplomb complex elements of the material, imagined, live, surveiled and (immigration) policed city. The inner London location filming adds credibility which counters the somewhat implausible, though tense and engaging plot. Cinema has long influenced our perception of the modern city even to the extent of producing the city (Clarke 1997 and Shiels & Fitzmaurice 2001). Many reviews of Dirty Pretty Things have been written but I want to concentrate, first on some misconceptions and then on its neo noir (Schwartz 2005) credentials, which affect the manner in which it portrays divergent yet proximate
aspects of the city big condition in a globalised neoliberal political economy.

Nous allons ici présenter les articulations entre le co-développement spontané produit par les migrants avec les deux autres formes de co-développement : le co-développement comme dimension d’une politique migratoire plus générale et le co-développement « en pratique», tel qu’il a pu être mis en œuvre pour les migrants.

This essay provides a critical review of the field of immigration policy studies from the perspective of measurement and modeling. It serves to contextualize and broaden the views presented in the special issue. As such, we combine insights from American and comparative politics, pinpoint key limitations and challenges in the field, and identify areas of strength within each subfield which could inform theory and measurement development for the other. Ultimately, the concerns about conceptualization, definition, and measurement that we identify and discuss herein, do not apply only to immigration policy studies but to policy studies writ large.

The goal of this paper is to examine the hyperinivisibilization of Southeast Asians in America and how it interacts with various mechanisms of the American racial project— Asianization, racially-ascribed deviance, relative invalidation, colorism, and anti-Black ideology within the Asian community— to produce  a particularly unique and complex racialization process for Southeast Asians. Additionally, it will also highlight resulting policies past and present towards Southeast Asian peoples having to do with what Juliet Stumpf termed the “crimmigration system” that are rooted in a form of double displacement and position Southeast Asians as both inferior and alien. And lastly, it celebrates the values that our community holds dear: giving back to parents and the community, resistance and resilience, and activism in challenging dominant ideologies and furthering social justice, and charts new potential waters for resisting the crimmigration system through institutional policy and practice. My hope is that Southeast Asian activists, scholars, and the community at large will use these tenets as well as knowledge of their history of organizing to mobilize for social change in the diaspora.

This paper contends that the L2 literature yields little empirical evidence of a relationship between the features associated with L1 voice and the quality of L2 academic writing. In fact, some of these features may be of little consequence in certain L2 writing contexts. Writing samples requiring learners to argue in favor of or against an aspect of Canada’s immigration policy were elicited from 63 students in a writing-intensive first-year course. These samples were scored by (1) three raters for “voice,” using a special Voice Intensity Rating Scale with four components (assertiveness; self-identification; reiteration of central point; and authorial presence and autonomy of thought), created especially for this study, as well as (2) three raters for overall writing quality, using Jacobs et al.’s (1981) ESL Composition Profile. Interrater reliability, based on the Spearman–Brown Prophesy Formula, was found to be 0.84 for the ratings of voice intensity and 0.73 for the ratings of overall quality. Most importantly, no significant correlation was found either between overall quality and overall voice intensity or between overall quality and any of the four components of voice. The results suggest that there may not be a connection between the linguistic and rhetorical devices commonly associated with individualized voice (e.g., first person singular or intensifiers) and the quality of writing, at least within some genres and at some levels of writing proficiency.

This report examines the role of the City of Toronto in immigration policy and settlement and integration programming. Toronto continues to be the most significant centre in Canada for newcomer settlement and a leading factor behind the rapid population growth of this global city (the fourth largest centre on in North America). Fully 35.9% of the total immigrant population in Canada call Toronto home and the city continues to be a powerful magnet for secondary migration. 46.1% of the city’s population, based on the 2016 Census, is made up foreign-born residents (Praznik and Shields, 2018, p. 4). Toronto is truly a ‘world a city’ (Anisef and Lanfphier, 2003) and is profoundly shaped by the impact of mass migration and the immigrant experience.

Canada is an international leader in government supported and provided settlement services for its immigrant population. The provision of such services is seen as an important part enabling immigrants to more successfully settle and integrate into Canada. Integration is seen as “a two-way process for immigrants to adapt to life in Canada and for Canada to welcome and adapt to the newcomers. Ultimately, the goal of integration is to encourage newcomers to be fully engaged in the economic, social, political, and cultural life of Canada” (IRCC, 2017f, p. 1). Governments in Canada at all levels have an important role in supporting immigrants in this settlement and integration process and in providing a welcoming environment in which newcomers are received by their host society.

Examining the policy and practices of the European Union and the United States on accompanied minors, this paper argues that differences in procedures point to contending security concerns that reveal the inconsistencies of the modern state. A security continuum has been established in the post-Cold War period and intensified since the 9/11 attacks, which maintains and expands the securitization of migration and asylum. Language of unease is used through security framing to justify measures of exception, policing, and distancing from international norms. Unaccompanied minors are caught between two constructed narratives of protection versus prevention. Ultimately, they are absorbed into the security trend framework, where framing of potential risk carries more weight. Restrictions on unaccompanied minors are a result of excessive security measures.

This chapter considers the role of technology in global migration, contemporary emigration motivators, and Ireland’s diaspora engagement policy and practice.  It analyses the results of two surveys of Irish migrants to Australia carried out in 2012 and 2014 which reveal that the characteristics of Irish migrants since 2008 differ markedly from those of the post-1980 period and the years just prior to the collapse of the Irish economy. These datasets are compared with recent academic studies undertaken on Irish migrants to Australia in an effort to uncover changing trends in Irish emigration since the death of the ‘Celtic Tiger’. Improvements in communication and travel, including the rise of social media, particularly of Facebook and Skype, have changed the migration experience allowing Irish migrants to live transnational lives. These technological developments increase contact between the diaspora and Ireland and look set to influence future generational engagement with the homeland.

The thesis evaluates the impact of EU funded research on both social science research and the policy making process at national level. Attempts, in the past, to include the social sciences in the decision making process, have raised questions about the validity of scientific knowledge, in terms of its objectivity, and in terms of its legitimizing element. The starting point of this investigation, therefore, is the relationship between knowledge and politics. Subsequently, the thesis considers the development of social science research in the field of immigration. At EU level, it analyses the changes in the dynamics of migration and how the EU Framework Programmes have responded to these transformations. At national level, it seeks to place the concept of citizenship and nationality law within the tradition of the social sciences in Italy and it seeks to understand how social science research has contributed to the development of immigration policies in Italy. The thesis also analyses the research policy approach at institutional level in Italy and the involvement of Italian universities and organizations in the FP6 and FP7 in order to determine if there occurs an internationalization/Europeanization of social science research on immigration and/or the construction of a 'non-national discourse'. The thesis concludes that there is a formation of a discourse in the field of immigration research, which follows the EU Commission directives. However, because of the nature of the Italian policymaking process closed to academic and experts influence, this discourse does not permeate in the process of immigration policies making.

Deze studie ontwikkelt een geheel nieuwe benadering van het vraagstuk: Hoe wordt migratie-en integratiebeleid in tien Europese landen gemaakt? Wie is daarbij betrokken? Welke invloed hebben wetenschappers en maatschappelijke partners op de vorming en ...

Drawing on Erving Goffman's analysis of total institutions and his concept of mortification of the self, the present article deals with the process of identity construction and identity loss among refugees and asylum seekers in Hong Kong. We argue that the slow pace of processing of political asylum applications as well as the harsh restrictions imposed on rights to work and the minimal welfare provisions for refugees and asylum seekers in Hong Kong operate as means of isolating them from the broader society. Another consequence of these restrictive conditions becomes manifest in the loss of identity experienced by those who have been stuck in Hong Kong for many years waiting for their applications to be processed. Being unable to preserve the sense of identity they had in their countries of origin, they find themselves deprived of the social and institutional resorts necessary to forge a new one.