Byzantine Navy

Αναλυτική μελέτη για τη σταδιακή παρακμή του βυζαντινού Ναυτικού από τον 11ο αιώνα και εξής και τις καταλυτικές της συνέπειες για την επιβίωση του βυζαντινού κράτους. Το κείμενο δημοσιεύτηκε αρχικά στο περιοδικό Στρατιωτική Ιστορία και υπό την παρούσα, βελτιωμένη μορφή του στο βιβλίο των Α.Γ.Κ. Σαββίδη-Ν. Νικολούδη, Ο Ύστερος Μεσαιωνικός Κόσμος (11ος-16ος αιώνες) , Εκδόσεις Ηρόδοτος, Αθήνα 2007, σελ. 71-82.
A study on the decline of the Byzantine Navy from the 11th century onwards and its long term consequences for the survival of the Byzantine state (published in pp. 71-82 of the book with collected studies by A.G.C. Savvides and N.G. Nicoloudis, The later Medieval world (11th-16th centuries). Byzantium, Medieval West, the Orient and Islam, the Balkans and the Slavs, Herodotos Publ., Athens 2007).

Утвърждаването на ранносредновековната българска държава по долното течение на р. Дунав до голяма степен променя геополитическата ситуация в Югоизточна Европа. Макар да налагат властта си над земите около устието на Дунав и по протежение на северозападните брегове на Черно море, хан Аспарух и неговите приемници не са в състояние да изградят военноморски сили или пък да се намесят в търговските начинания по море със собствен флот.  Наред с това обаче, едва ли може да има съществени съмнения относно обстоятелството, че политическия елит в ранносредновековна България никога не пренебрегва или подценява опасността от византийската доминация по море. По обективни причини търсенето на подходящи решения за противодействие е съобразено с ресурсите и възможностите на тогавашното българско общество. Значението на въпросните мерки за противодействие нараства през третата четвърт на осмото столетие, предвид завоевателните амбиции на император Константин V. Тъкмо в този период временното елиминиране на арабската заплаха във водите на Източното Средиземноморие предоставя възможност да бъдат ангажирани значителни ресурси и многократно да се използва флота в комбинираните кампании по суша и море срещу ранносредновековна България.

In our country, it grows underwater and maritime research in recentyears.Many finds and shipwrecks have been determined relating to the Byzantine seamanship in Yenikapı excavation and underwater research done in our country' scoast. A large part of these findings relating to commercial shipping. There are the remains of two ships belonging to the Byzantine navy only. As in each fields, the importance of  terminology is very large in maritime research.We learn Byzantine navy’s terms from some historical sources.The first of these is the section titled Naumachika in the workTaktikon of Emperor Leon VI, which gives information about the navy. Another of these are some sections of the source De Caerimoniis written by Emperor Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos VII. In this work there are Turkish explanations of some naval term that are mentioned in both historical sources.
Keywords:Byzantine, seamanship,navy, underwater, terminology.

The medieval collection of the Belgrade City Museum contains an unpublished lead seal (fig. 1, 2) whose rarity deserves particular attention, despite the fact that it is only partly preserved. According to the museum documents, one can conclude that the find originates from Stari Kostolac, i.e. medieval Braničevo. The seal, once circular in shape (diameter of the seal: 42mm) is broken and only the left part of the obverse and the right side of the inscription field on the reverse are preserved today. The obverse of the bulla depicts a relief scene, framed by a plastically emphasized circular line. One can make out the representation of a saint with a halo, an elongated, bearded face, curly hair and a spear. The weapon and the military cape indicate that the depiction is that of a holy warrior. A vertical inscription can be distinguished in the segment to the right of the warrior, with only the last two letters visible: (…)PO(.). Judging by the proportions and the preserved iconographic set-up of the relief composition, the obverse of the seal most probably depicted two holy warriors who often appear on lead seals of the late Byzantine period. The preserved right half of the reverse contains a circular inscription field with a granulated frame (the diameter of the frame is around 35mm). The inscription consists of letters of the Greek alphabet, laid out in six rows (letter height 3-4mm). The following is visible on the preserved part of the inscription field: + (ΔOUKO)СMЄ (ΓAΛOMІ)ΧAΗΛ (ΓΡАΦωΝК)VΡΟС (АVΓΟVСTАΔ)ЄΛ (ФΗССVZV)ΓΟU (ΘЄΟΔωΡА)С The inscription on the reverse reads: +Δουκὸς μεγάλο Μιχαὴλ γραφῶνκῦρος αὐγουσταδέλφη ςσυζύγου Θεοδώρας Translated: + Seal of Grand Doukas Mihailo, husband of the empress’ sister Theodora. The lead seal from the Belgrade  City Museum definitely belonged to Michael Stryphnos (Μιχαὴλ Στρυφνός), which can be concluded both on the basis of the family relations declared in the inscription and from the rare analogies on the obverse representation. Few specimens of Michael Stryphnos with the title of megas doukas were preserved – three are kept in the Dumbarton Oaks collection in Washington and one in the numismatic cabinet (Medagliere) of the Vatican Library. Judging from the better preserved seals of this high-ranking Byzantine dignitary (fig. 3), depicted on the obverse of the bulla from the Belgrade  City Museum was the composition with two standing saints and a stylized tree in the middle. The figure of St. Theodore with a spear and shield resting on the ground is still partially visible on the left side of the seal on our fragment. This is most probably the representation of St. Theodore Tiron, a saint originating from Amaseia, who died in 306 AD. A vertical inscription was located to the left of him: ῾Ο ἅγιος Θεόδωρος, of which, as was pointed out above, only two letters are visible: (O А ΘЄΟΔΩ)ΡΟ(С). A beardless St. Iacinthos, swinging an axe at the tree in the middle, was depicted on the right side of the obverse representation. A vertical inscription was located to his right ῾Ο ἅγιος῾Υάκινθος : (Ο А ІАКІΝΘОС). Information about Michael Stryphnos is scarce, despite the fact that he was a member of the imperial family and held very high offices in the administration of the Byzantine Empire at the end of the 12th century. Besides written sources (Nik. Chon., 482/21ff., 491/3–24; M. Chon., 1,. 324–342), evidence about the career of Michael Stryphnos, especially its early part, is found on lead seals from three bouleuterions (fig. 3-5) as well as on two gold rings with an inscription and decorations in multi-coloured enamel (Dumberton Oaks – Washington, private collection - Moscow). The find of the seal of Michael Stryphnos from the immediate vicinity of Braničevo can be linked to military, i.e. diplomatic correspondence between Constantinople and this important frontier stronghold in the Danubian region, during the reign of Emperor Alexios III (1195-1203), and the dramatic events that had as their epilogue the outbreak of the IV Crusade, the fall of the Byzantine capital and eastern Mediterranean under western rule and the change in international relations on Balkan soil. However, the lead bulla of the grand dux represents additional proof of the presence of the Byzantine fleet and its strategic importance in this part of the Danubian region. Although the role of the Byzantine fleet has been considered, for the most part, in the domain of maritime warfare, particularly for controlling the Mediterranean and Black Sea coastal areas, its scope of operations was much broader. Apart from the Aegean and the Black seas, it was constantly engaged in almost all of Byzantium’s military campaigns in the Danubian region. Byzantium used the course of the Danube for its military forces to more easily reach the depths of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as for logistical support to expeditionary ground troops or garrisons stationed in the Danubian region. In descriptions of wars against the Bulgarians, Russians and later against Hungary, various sources mention almost regularly, either directly or indirectly, the use of the Byzantine fleet on the Danube, starting from the end of the 6th century. The use of the fleet in the middle course of the Danube, with ships which were often equipped with Greek Fire, accompanied, among other things, the penetration of ground troops from Serdica to Braničevo, Belgrade and all the way to Srem (Franchorion) at the time of the counter-offensive of John II Komnenos in 1128, when the ships were used by the Byzantine military forces to cross to the left bank of the Danube near Ram and Zemun, as well as during subsequent war operations against Hungary, which would become constant until the downfall of the Byzantine state in the early 13th century.

This paper discusses some controversial issues and events during the
campaign against the Vandals in 533, as described by historian Prokopios. This new reading
highlights elements of everyday life and culture, military and political tactics, and personal
rivalries and strategies.

Προβλήματα και Παρατηρήσεις Σχετικά με την Εκστρατεία του 949 κατά του Εμιράτου της Κρήτης. Η Σύνθεση του Βυζαντινού Στόλου και Άλλα Ζητήματα. εκστρατεία του 949 κατά του εμιράτου της Κρήτης, υπό τον Κωνσταντίνο Γογγύλη, ήταν και η τελευταία αποτυχημένη απόπειρα ανάκτησης του νησιού, καθώς το 961 ο δομέστικος των σχολών της Ανατολής Νικηφόρος Φωκάς θα κατάφερνε να επαναφέρει τη βυζαντινή κυριαρχία στη μεγαλόνησο. Σημαντικές πληροφορίες σχετικά με την εκστρατεία του 949 αντλούμε από τον Codex Lipsiensis I 17, που περιλαμβάνει το έργο De Cerimoniis. Εκεί δίδονται στοιχεία αναφορικά με τη σύνθεση του βυζαντινού στόλου καθώς και τη μισθοδοσία και καλύπτονται διάφορες πτυχές του οργανωτικού σκέλους της εκστρατείας. Η σύνθεση του βυζαντινού στόλου εξακολουθεί να αποτελεί ένα ζήτημα που απασχολεί τους ερευνητές, με αρκετές, σημαντικά αποκλίνουσες πολλές φορές, απόψεις να έχουν διατυπωθεί. Παρόλο που για πολλά χρόνια η κοινή βάση όλων ήταν η παλαιά έκδοση του Ι. Reiske (CB 1, Bonn 1829), πλέον υπάρχει και η κριτική έκδοση του κεφαλαίου με΄ (45 ο) που πραγματοποιήθηκε από τον John Haldon και δημοσιεύθηκε στο Travaux et Mémoires 13 (2001), στο πλαίσιο μιας ευρύτερης εργασίας. Ιδιαίτερα μας απασχολούν οι στίχοι 631 «Τὸ βασιλικὸν πλόϊμον οὐσίαι ρν΄...εἰς φύλαξιν τῆς Καρπάθου γαλέα α΄» (έκδ. Haldon), καθώς πρόκειται για ένα ιδιαίτερα κρίσιμο χωρίο που περιγράφει τη σύνθεση του αυτοκρατορικού στόλου της Κωνσταντινούπολης, των θεματικών στόλων, αλλά και τις ναυτικές μονάδες που επρόκειτο να συμμετάσχουν στην εκστρατεία κατά της Κρήτης. Με αφορμή λοιπόν το παραπάνω επίμαχο χωρίο, αξιοποιώντας τη νέα έκδοση και έχοντας υπόψη, όχι μόνο την παλαιότερη έρευνα και βιβλιογραφία, αλλά και φωτογραφικό υλικό από το ίδιο το χειρόγραφο του Codex Lipsiensis (223r/224v), προχωρούμε σε μια αναψηλάφηση της εκστρατείας του 949. Ταυτόχρονα, προσφέρουμε μια διαφορετική προσέγγιση σχετικά με την αριθμητική δύναμη του βυζαντινού στόλου που συμμετείχε στην εκστρατεία. Παράλληλα, θέτουμε ερωτήματα τακτικής και οργανωτικής φύσης, σχετικά με τον τρόπο διεξαγωγής υπερπόντιων επιχειρήσεων των Βυζαντινών κατά τη μέση βυζαντινή περίοδο.

На «круглых кораблях» от Херсона до Саркела: к вопросу о типе «кораблей», использованных Петроной Каматиром в 830-е гг. // Stratum Plus. Археология и культурная антропология. 2020. № 5. Властелины дорог. С. 171–176.The article offers an interpretation of the Greek designation “αἱ στρογγύλαι νῆες”, “round ships”, on which, according to the “Chronography” of Theophanes Continuatus the Byzantine officer Petronas Camaterus sailed from Cherson to the site of the foundation of the fortress named Sarkel on the river Don. According to two descriptions of this expedition in the texts of the 950-s, his route included coastal sailing in the Black Sea, sailing along the ​​Azov Sea and boating along river Don. It is obvious that his “round ships” were cargo. Based on typological parallels, it can be assumed that these were round sail vehicles of the “coracle” type, widespread in different regions of Eurasia. The closest analogy of such round vessels for the carriage of goods is the Arab “quffas”, a type of boates, used from the Old Babylonian period until the Modern Age on the rivers and lakes of Mesopotamia. Such round cargo ships on the river Euphrates were described in the “History” of Herodotus. It can be assumed that the watercrafts used on the rivers Euphrates and Tigris were isomorphic to the watercrafts used by the Chersonites or Chazars on the rivers Volga and Don.

The Book The Role of Foreign fleets in the decomposition of the naval forces of Byzantium, is concerning on an important issue of decline of Byzantine marine in the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth. The period from 1118 to 1204 was an extremely difficult time for the Byzantine navy and for people involved in shipping in Byzantium. There has been a breakdown of this key element of the armed forces on an unprecedented scale that surpasses all previous threats. The Emperors reigning at that time, as well as their administration were not prepared for the consequences, for what can bring such a process to maritime safety, and above all to the existence of the Empire. We can, therefore, pose a number of questions: Why did the ruling classes of Byzantium were not aware of this state of affairs? Do they have a chance to stop this process? What was the economic role of foreign fleets operating in the Byzantine Empire? What was the reason for the success of the opponents of the empire? Finally, how the naval forces of the Empire were presented against the background of their fleets? So far, no one gave a clear answer to all these questions. To fill this gap and answer to all these questions, we wrote this book.
Due to the fact that we deal with three main causative enemies-Normans, the Italian urban communes and Crusaders, we have to rely on sources originating not only from the environment associated with the Byzantine Empire, but in fact, with almost the whole of medieval Western Europe. We adopted
a problematic system, in order to analyze the source material and its transparency to the readers. This will allow us to track the one hand, an increase in the importance of maritime powers with whom competed Empire, on the other hand measures the Byzantines themselves, which had been an equally important impact on the distribution of naval forces. Therefore, the work will begin with the presentation of the development of the Byzantine fleet between 1118 and 1204, and later the Norman fleet, which in the first half of the twelfth century, grows into the biggest military naval power in the Mediterranean. Their fleet was capable not only to endanger the Byzantine Empire, but also Arabs and cities of northern Italy. The Normans as the main opponent on the sea of the Byzantium in this period deserved such special and wider treatment, because their growing power shades the weakened navy of the Empire.
The Book consists of four chapters. The first chapter is devoted to showing
a internal problems that touch the Byzantine naval forces in the considered period. The first section showed the phenomenon of alienation of these newcomers and their fleets to the common Byzantines. In the second subchapter, we will presented the crisis of the institutions associated with the Navy of the Byzantine Empire. In the third subchapter we fund, the issue of new ships and the development of boatbuilding, with which we are dealing in western and northern Europe during this period, and the effects of which directly and indirectly felt on the Byzantine Empire. The technological changes in boatbuilding were an expression of progress, as well as the ability to use the achievements of others. This was particularly evident in the English fleet, to which in this subchapter we devote
a lot of space, presenting several types of ships and boats, used by English during the Third Crusade mainly against the Byzantines in Cyprus.
The second chapter is presented to the activities of the Normans, and in particular their fleets against the Byzantine Empire during the years 1113-1194. The rapid development of the Norman fleet, which took place during the reign of Roger II, is opposed with passivity of the Byzantines during the reign of John II Comnenus, and the first years of the reign of his son, Manuel. Next we have showed the war which underwent Roger with Byzantium at sea in the late forties of the twelfth century, in which the fleet of Normans played a decisive role. The outbreak of war was associated with the transition of the Second Crusades, during which the Empire was forced to fight hard and rough sea battles with the Normans, who took the opportunity to show the weakness of the regime from Constantinople. The Byzantine counterattack facing south Italy, will be discussed here also. The whole chapter is closed with a showing of the relationship at the sea between the Normans and Byzantines, in the the reign of the last Comnenian and Angelos emperors, when the newcomers from the Apennine Peninsula used the internal crisis in the Empire to hit at Thessalonica. They joined in the struggle for Cyprus, as well as they stood at the gates of Constantinople.
The third chapter consists of two distinct sections, covering the maritime relations between Byzantium and the north-italian urban communes: Venice, Pisa and Genoa. In the first of them it is showed a perverse attitude and role of Venice in the history of the Byzantine navy and trade in the twelfth century (excluding its share in the Fourth Crusade, which merged the interests of the Crusaders with the objectives of the Republic of St. Mark). We have showed, how this relationships have evolved from mutual cooperation and respect, to the open hostility and hatred, which exploded with a huge power in the last decades of the XII century. We have highlight the errors committed by emperors to Venetian naval forces, along with the economic arguments, which gave more power into the hands of the representatives of the Republic of St. Mark. The second and final section is devoted to the showing a fleet and people operations from the two cities, Pisa and Genoa in the years 1118-1201. We have
tried there to answer whether the newcomers from Italy, were actually an ideal alternative as maritime ally of the Byzantine Empire, especially in the western Mediterranean. We will see whether especially Genoese ships and the inhabitants of their metropolis, could become a substitute for the Byzantine fleet. Here pictured is also a process in which newcomers from Pisa and Genoa, used the Venetians model to try to get as many at the expense of Constantinople, and when the power of central Byzantine government over the seas will become illusory, they went to pirate activities, which was not stopped by poor Byzantine navy.
The fourth chapter of this work is used to show the relationship of Byzantine Navy with Crusaders in the years 1144-1204. We have started from the Second Crusade, its partial analyzes and draw lessons from its mistakes, especially in the context of maritime transport. Also we went to pirate activities of Crusaders, which were targeted in the closest to them Byzantine island – Cyprus. We also discuss there the growing importance of fleets of visitor from Northern Europe, whose activity in the Mediterranean, began to change power relations on this waters. In the next section we focus our attention on a only one common Byzantine-Latin military naval operation. This action was an attack on Egypt, made by fleet of basileus Manuel Comnenus, who supported the Crusaders in this country. We showed also to what extent, this largest Byzantine navy offensive operation in the twelfth century, accelerated decay, especially of the imperial fleet, which was previously the backbone of the naval forces of the Empire. The third section shows the history of the Third Crusade, with a huge emphasis on the English fleet of king Richard the Lionheart. We pictured here the trail’s of naval forces of the King of England, who conquered island Cyprus, which rebelled earlier from the power of emperors of Constantinople. The loss of this province and the inability to recover it, is a further evidence of degradation of the Byzantine fleet. Chapter closes the history of maritime activities during Fourth Crusade. The Venice together with the Crusaders, made an act that could not be done before by anyone. They captured twice Constantinople from the sea. Could there be a better proof of the complete decomposition of the Byzantine fleet, since it was not able to stop modern fleet of the Republic at the gates of the capital of the Empire?
The fate of the Byzantine fleet itself is a kind of background for the activities of other navies that changed the face of the Medieval Mediterranean world. The work is closed with two annexes. The first will deal with the actions of the Byzantines on inland waters (mainly the Danube),in the reign of John Comnenus and his son Manuel. Little or no activity on the seaworthy rivers, is very strong evidence of decomposition of naval forces of Empire, which for such action has been established. In this annex will try to prove it. The second annex will address issue of the Prosopography of the Byzantine commanders of this period.