OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH THE ILIAD 00-Homer_Prelims.indd i 1/10/2011 11:56:35 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH oxford world’s classics For over 100 years Oxford World’s Classics have brought readers closer to the world’s great literature. Now with over 700 titles — from the 4,000-year-old myths of Mesopotamia to the twentieth century’s greatest novels —the series makes available lesser-known as well as celebrated writing. The pocket-sized hardbacks of the early years contained introductions by Virginia Woolf, T. S. Eliot, Graham Greene, and other literary igures which enriched the experience of reading. Today the series is recognized for its ine scholarship and reliability in texts that span world literature, drama and poetry, religion, philosophy, and politics. 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It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With oices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York Translation and glossary © Anthony Verity 2011 Introduction, select bibliography, explanatory notes © Barbara Graziosi 2011 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published as an Oxford World’s Classics paperback 2011 First published 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available Typeset by Glyph International, Bangalore, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Clays Ltd, St Ives plc ISBN 978-0-19-923548-3 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 00-Homer_Prelims.indd iv 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH CONTENTS ix Introduction Note on the Text and Explanatory Materials xxvii Note on the Translation xxix Select Bibliography xxx xxxiii Maps THE ILIAD book one 3 book two 19 book three 42 book four 54 book five 68 book six 91 book seven 105 book eight 118 book nine 133 book ten 151 book eleven 166 book twelve 188 book thirteen 200 book fourteen 222 book fifteen 236 book sixteen 255 book seventeen 277 00-Homer_Prelims.indd v 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH vi 00-Homer_Prelims.indd vi contents book eighteen 297 book nineteen 313 book twenty 324 book twenty-one 337 book twenty-two 353 book twenty-three 366 book twenty-four 389 Expanatory Notes 410 Index of Personal Names 451 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH INTRODUCTION Vivid, painful, and direct, the Iliad is one of the most inluential poems of all time. It has continuously featured in the school curriculum for two-and-a-half millennia; and, even before then, audiences regularly heard it performed at public festivals and in private houses. The success of the Iliad is astonishing, particularly because this poem is neither easy nor pleasant. Already in antiquity, listeners struggled to understand its language, and sometimes fell asleep during performances. And yet the diiculties posed by the diction and sheer length of the poem are insigniicant when compared to the demands that the Iliad makes on our hearts and minds. This poem confronts, with unlinching clarity, many issues that we had rather forget altogether: the failures of leadership, the destructive power of beauty, the brutalizing impact of war, and—above all—our ultimate fate of death. That the Iliad has been so widely heard and read is not just a testament to its immense power. It also speaks of the commitment of its many readers, who have turned to it in order to understand something about their own life, death, and humanity. The composition of Homeric epic It is not at all clear when or how the Iliad was composed, or what purpose it might have served. If no literature from ancient Greece survived, we certainly would not expect it to start with a monumental poem about the anger of Achilles. We would rather assume that it began with shorter compositions destined for speciic occasions (for example, wedding songs and funeral laments), and answering practical purposes such as courtship, party entertainment, and martial exhortation. We know that those kinds of compositions did exist, and indeed the Iliad makes reference to them. What it does not do is explain its own existence. Scholars have ferociously debated the origins of the Iliad, partly because the poem reveals so little about them. At a very general level, the poem shows awareness of material circumstances not found before the later eighth or early seventh century bce, such as temples and cult statues, narrative art, and knowledge of the world extending from Thrace to Phoenicia and Egypt. This gives a terminus post quem: the poem cannot have been composed much before 700 bce. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd vii 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH viii introduction Some historians argue that the rapidly changing social and political circumstances of the early seventh century demanded an intense exploration of authority, and that the Iliad answers to that need. Even a brief summary of the plot shows that the poem is indeed much concerned with how authority is established, questioned, and maintained. It opens with a startling invocation to the Muse: Sing, goddess, the anger of Achilles, Peleus’ son, the accursed anger which brought the Achaeans countless agonies… Achilles’ anger inlicts countless agonies not on the enemy, the Trojans—but on his own side, the Greeks, or rather ‘Achaeans’ as Homer calls them.1 The reason for his anger is quickly explained. The narrative is set sometime towards the end of the Trojan War, and starts with the arrival of a priest of Apollo at the Achaean camp: he has come to ransom his daughter Chryseïs, who was captured by the Achaeans in a raid, and assigned to Agamemnon as a slave. Agamemnon refuses to release her, claiming that he inds her more enjoyable than his own wife, and threatens her father. Outraged by Agamemnon’s behaviour, Apollo sends a plague that devastates the Achaean army. Eventually, Agamemnon agrees to release Chryseïs to appease the god, but demands recompense for his loss—in the form of Achilles’ own slave Briseïs. Achilles is so angry at this demand that he comes close to killing Agamemnon, though Athena restrains him, and he decides to withdraw from the war instead. The poem shows how, without him, the Achaeans sufer heavy losses on the battleield, and the Trojans come close to burning their ships. In the face of imminent defeat, Agamemnon ofers to return Briseïs and to add many more gifts besides, but Achilles rejects an embassy detailing Agamemnon’s ofers. It is only after the death of his closest friend Patroclus that Achilles returns to the ighting. He is determined to avenge him by killing Hector, best of the Trojans. His mother Thetis warns him that he will die soon after Hector, but Achilles returns to the battleield regardless. He kills Hector, lashes his body to his chariot, and drags it to his hut. The poem ends when Priam, Hector’s father, arrives at the 1 The Achaean army is made from contingents from the whole of Greece, but is never called ‘Greek’ in the poem. That word has a much more speciic application in Homeric epic: it describes people coming from Hellas, in northern Greece (see Map 1). When describing the whole army, Homer uses three diferent collective names: Achaeans, Danaans, or Argives. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd viii 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction ix Achaean camp and ofers ransom to Achilles in return for Hector’s body. Achilles is reminded of his own father, another old man who will never see his son again. He sends Priam back with Hector’s body, and the women lead the funeral laments for him. As the last line in the poem says, So they conducted the funeral rites for Hector, breaker of horses. Clearly, the Iliad is deeply concerned with leaders and their people. The countless agonies of the Achaeans are told in painful detail: they die when Agamemnon ofends the priest and Apollo sends the plague— and they die again when Achilles quarrels with Agamemnon and withdraws from the ighting. The Trojans die too, even more copiously. Hector’s death is the most afecting in the whole poem, partly because its consequences for his wife, his baby son, and the entire Trojan community are made very clear. The death of Hector symbolizes the fall of the city itself. Historians point out that, in the palatial culture of the late Bronze Age, authority was difuse, and that this might have inspired stories like the Iliad; they also argue that the rapid social and political changes of the seventh century—when we can trace expanding communities, new settlements, increased trade and travel—provide an appropriate context for a poetic exploration of authority.2 This seems right, but the issues explored in the Iliad remain interesting and relevant in later times too. The common soldier Thersites is ridiculed and humiliated in the assembly; commander-in-chief Agamemnon is exposed, in the narrative, as authoritarian and weak; Achilles, in the extremity of his behaviour, seems inhuman even to the gods; and Hector, by his own admission, fails his people. Depending on how we read these characters, we can attach diferent political meanings to the Iliad. The main point is that no interpretation leads to a single original audience, or to a speciic political agenda in support of which the poem must have been composed. Flawed leaders like Agamemnon are always interesting; and critics of authority, like Achilles and Thersites, are never entirely comfortable. The Iliad tells a story of universal appeal. This is something that the ancient Greeks themselves articulated in their earliest responses to the poem. The philosopher Xenophanes, writing in the sixth century bce, described Homer as a universal teacher since time immemorial.3 2 For a good summary, see R. Osborne, ‘Homer’s Society’, in R. Fowler (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Homer (Cambridge, 2004), 206–19. 3 Fr. 10 in H. Diels and W. Kranz (eds.), Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 3 vols., 6th edn. (Berlin, 1951–2). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd ix 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH x introduction However uncertain the exact context in which the Iliad was composed, it is clear that it was aimed at a broad and committed audience. The Iliad is more than 15,000 lines long, and it would have taken approximately three full days (or nights) to perform it in its entirety.4 Performances of this kind must have required some infrastructure and organization—and we know that, from the sixth century onwards, they received institutional support. The Athenian tyrant Pisistratus, or one of his sons, decreed that the Homeric poems should be recited at the most important city festival, the Great Panathenaea.5 Every four years, at a feast in honour of their patron goddess, the Athenians listened to the Iliad. We do not have as much information about Homeric performances in other cities, but we know they took place. Several sources describe professional epic reciters, known as ‘rhapsodes’, travelling from city to city and performing Homeric poetry at public festivals and private gatherings.6 The earliest authors known to have discussed Homer come from opposite ends of the Greek-speaking world: Xenophanes came from Colophon in Asia Minor, and Theagenes, another early interpreter of Homer, came from Rhegium in southern Italy. The sixth-century poet Simonides of Ceos (an island in the Aegean Sea) explicitly praised and quoted Homer in his own poetry. The material record conirms the picture suggested by our written evidence: it preserves late archaic images inspired by the Iliad and originating from several diferent places.7 All this evidence provides a terminus ante quem for the Iliad: by the late sixth century bce the poem was well known. Scholars continue to debate the exact date of the Iliad. Their disagreements stem, in part, from a diference in emphasis: some seek to pinpoint the original contribution of an early poet, others focus on the earliest documented context for Homeric recitation, which is the Panathenaea. Beyond these diferences, all Homerists agree that sixthcentury performances and texts must have captured something considerably older. An examination of the language and style of Homeric epic shows that it stems from a very long tradition of oral poetry. Homeric Greek is an artiicial mixture of several diferent dialects. 4 Many scholars have tried to reconstruct how the Iliad might have been performed, see e.g. O. Taplin, Homeric Soundings: The Shaping of the ‘Iliad’ (Oxford, 1995). 5 See esp. [Plato], Hipparchus 228b and Lycurgus, In Leocratem 102. 6 For a vivid, if rather hostile, portrait of a rhapsode, see Plato’s Ion. 7 The visual evidence for Iliadic scenes is collected in J. Burgess, The Tradition of the Trojan War in Homer and the Epic Cycle (Baltimore, 2001), 53–94. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd x 1/10/2011 11:56:38 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xi It was never used by any real-life community, but rather developed, over several centuries, for the purpose of singing the deeds of gods and men.8 The predominant dialect is Ionic, but there is also a strong Aeolic component. Linguists identify Euboean and Boeotian inluences too, and point to several Attic elements, though many of these concern matters of spelling, and therefore testify to the inluence of a written Athenian text, rather than to an early Attic contribution to epic diction. Compared to modern linguists, ancient Homeric scholars were even more wide-ranging in their characterization of Homeric diction: they claimed that Homer knew all the Greek dialects. This is an exaggeration that relects, in part, the status of the Iliad as a poem that appealed to all the Greeks. It also captures the astounding linguistic richness and variety of Homeric epic: there are very many ways to say ‘he was’ or ‘to be’, for example. Some Homeric expressions and forms seem relatively recent, and some are very old: there may even be remnants of Mycenaean Greek, a language that was spoken in the second millennium bce. At times, it seems that even the poet of the Iliad is unsure about the exact meaning of some of the inherited expressions he uses. They sound grand and heroic but—for the sake of clarity— he adds possible synonyms and etymologizing explanations inside the poem. These internal explanations are, of course, lost in translation: reading the Iliad in the original Greek gives a much better sense of the historic depth and richness of its language. References to material objects, in the poem, ofer a good analogy for the efect of Homeric words: many artefacts it a late eighth- or early seventh-century context, but some are much older. At 10.261–5, for example, Homer describes a boar’s-tusk helmet that fell out of use after the ifteenth-century bce. Linguistic and archaeological evidence shows that the epic tradition developed in the course of many centuries, and went through very different linguistic environments, social contexts, and material cultures. One of the most striking features of Homeric epic, and the tradition from which it stems, is its repetitiveness. Achilles is called ‘swiftfooted’ again and again and again—even when he sulks, motionless, in his hut. Hector is ‘Hector of the glittering helmet’. After a meal, Homeric characters always ‘put away the desire for eating and drinking’. At daybreak, ‘early-born Dawn with her rosy ingers appears’. Comparative studies have established that such repeated phrases, 8 On Homeric Greek, see further G. Horrocks, ‘Homer’s Dialect’, in I. Morris and B. Powell (eds.), A New Companion to Homer (Leiden, 1997), 193–217. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xi 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xii introduction or ‘formulae’, help bards compose poetry in real time, as they perform in front of an audience. In the 1930s two American scholars— Milman Parry and Albert Lord—travelled to what was then Yugoslavia, and recorded the performances of illiterate Bosnian singers in local cofee-houses.9 They showed that these singers were able to recite poems as long as the Iliad—not by remembering a ixed script, but by combining formulaic expressions, and by arranging them into wellestablished narrative patterns or ‘themes’. Formulae and themes were, to a large extent, inherited: they had developed over generations, in order to enable singers to compose, or re-compose, their poems in the course of live performances. The singer had at his disposal a stock of diferent formulae that described the same character, situation, thing, or action, each of which had a speciic metrical shape. He could choose the appropriate formula depending on how many beats he needed in order to reach the end of the line. Parry showed that, in Homeric epic, there is usually just one formula describing a particular character or action in any given number of beats. This formulaic economy enables singers to get to the end of the line, without having to take too long thinking about diferent options for describing an action or character. For example, depending on how many beats he needs to get to the end of the line, the poet can say ‘Achilles’, or ‘glorious Achilles’, or ‘swiftfooted Achilles’, or ‘swift-footed glorious Achilles’. Parry and Lord made a tremendous contribution to our understanding of Homeric epic, but their work also posed new problems and questions. One problem concerns the meaning and interpretation of Homeric formulae. Parry himself reached rather discouraging conclusions on that issue: he argued that some traditional formulae have little meaning, that audiences feel indiferent towards them, and that they are perhaps best left untranslated. This sort of conclusion does not seem entirely satisfactory: formulaic expressions are not equivalent to an instrumental interlude, or a bit of humming, or some other wordless rhythmical ‘illing’ that enables singers to keep the performance going. They are words, and afect audiences through their meaning, as well as through their rhythmical qualities. It is true that formulae are not always sensitive to context, but that can in itself become a poetic resource. For example, ‘swift-footed’ Achilles refuses to leave his hut 9 See M. Parry, The Making of Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers of Milman Parry (Oxford, 1991), and A. Lord, The Singer of Tales, 2nd rev. edn. (Cambridge, Mass., 2000). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xiii for most of the Iliad: this tension between his traditional description and what he actually does draws attention to his problematic behaviour. Most of the time, traditional expressions unobtrusively shape the narrative, but sometimes the poet brings them into sharp focus. At 6.467–70, for example, baby Astyanax realizes that his father is indeed ‘Hector of the gleaming helmet’: he looks at the terrifying thing on top of his father’s head, and screams. There is often a dynamic, expressive tension between the traditional formulations used by the poet, and the speciic situations he describes. Formulae fasten characters and things to speciic qualities, but the poet tells a far less stable story. Leaders, for example, are called ‘shepherds of the people’, but in the Iliad the people perish, inexorably.10 It seems then that the tools of oral poetry, far from being a convenient but stilted aid to composition, enable the poet to tell his story powerfully and idiomatically.11 The second problem raised by the comparative study of oral poetry is that the Iliad is not, actually, an oral poem: what we have is a written text. Scholars have long debated the possible role of writing in the composition of Homeric epic; the German philologist Friedrich August Wolf famously tackled the issue in his Prolegomena ad Homerum (1795), a work that inaugurated modern classical scholarship. The earliest examples of Greek alphabetic writing date to the second half of the eighth century bce. The most interesting piece of evidence, for Homerists, is a modest clay cup found in Ischia, an island of the coast of Naples. It bears an inscription which proudly announces in verse: ‘I am the cup of Nestor…’ There is no physical resemblance between this modest vessel and the gold cup of Nestor in the Iliad, but the inscription may well be a playful reference to some poem about the legendary Nestor and his cup. Some have argued that the extremely regular layout of the verse inscription may relect the inluence of epic texts written on papyrus or leather, though such texts (if they existed) need not have been our Iliad. It seems, then, that the Iliad harnesses the resources of a rich and ancient tradition of oral poetry, but also comes into existence at a time when writing was beginning to develop. Quite what inluence this new technique had on the composition and 10 See further J. Haubold, Homer’s People: Epic Poetry and Social Formation (Cambridge, 2000). 11 J. M. Foley makes this point very persuasively in Homer’s Traditional Art (University Park, Pa., 1999); see further B. Graziosi and J. Haubold, Homer: The Resonance of Epic (London, 2005) and A. Kelly, A Referential Commentary and Lexicon to Homer, ‘Iliad VIII’ (Oxford, 2007). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xiii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xiv introduction preservation of the poem is something we will never know for sure. As Albio Cassio points out, in a balanced and judicious assessment of the evidence, our Iliad is ‘likely to be the result of extremely complicated processes involving both orality and writing, which we can no longer reconstruct’.12 Our own interest in writing may ultimately lead to wrong assumptions about its role and importance in early Greece. In the Iliad, writing (or something close to it) is depicted as a nasty business: at 6.168–70 Proetus sends Bellerophon into exile, giving him a folded tablet in which he has inscribed the order to kill the bearer of the message. This is the only reference to writing in the whole poem: there is no hint, in Homeric epic, that writing may be used to record great deeds, or help singers compose their songs. This may simply be because the Homeric poems are set in a distant, heroic past, where writing did not yet exist or was just being invented by resourceful crooks like Proetus. The actual context of composition of the Iliad may have been quite diferent from the situation depicted inside the poem. What remains true beyond all speculation, however, is that the poet of the Iliad describes his own work in terms of singing, and expects future generations to hear about what happened at Troy by listening. The poet’s voice From antiquity to the present, there has been much speculation about the author of the Iliad. The Greeks considered him the greatest poet that ever lived, but knew nothing certain about him: the earliest sources that mention his name are speculative and contradictory. They depict him as a blind beggar and a divine singer; someone who suffered many indignities in life, and composed the most beautiful poetry. These ancient portraits of Homer tell us something important about the early reception of epic, but say little about the actual composition of the Iliad.13 In some ways, the situation today is rather similar: those who attempt to give a detailed portrait of Homer often reveal more about themselves than about Homeric epic. Albert Lord, for example, imagined Homer as an illiterate singer dictating his poems to a scribe. As many have noted, this Homer closely resembles a Bosnian singer 12 A. Cassio, ‘Early Editions of the Greek Epics and Homeric Textual Criticism’, in F. Montanari (ed.), Omero tremila anni dopo (Rome, 2002), 114. 13 See B. Graziosi, Inventing Homer: The Early Reception of Epic (Cambridge, 2002). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xiv 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xv performing for Lord himself. Lord wrote under dictation, and also used audio recording. The situation in early Greece was diferent: writing was infrequent, slow, and expensive. We therefore do not know to what degree the circumstances of Bosnian singers and American scholars in the 1930s ofer a itting parallel for those in which the Iliad was actually composed and written down. Rather than looking for the poet of the Iliad, then, it seems more fruitful to look for the poet in the Iliad, and listen to his voice. In the opening invocation to the Muse, the poet conidently asks the goddess to sing about the anger of Achilles, from the time when he quarrelled with Agamemnon. After the proem, the story begins precisely with the quarrel: from that moment onwards, the voice of the poet and that of the Muse blend together. It is only when the poet approaches a particularly diicult or important topic that he again puts some distance between himself and the goddess, and asks for help. This happens, for example, at the beginning of the Catalogue of Ships (2.484–93): Tell me now, Muses who have your homes on Olympus— for you are goddesses, and are present, and know everything, while we hear only rumour, and know nothing— who were the commanders and princes of the Danaans. As for the soldiery, I could not describe or name them, not even if I had ten tongues and ten mouths, an indestructible voice, and a bronze heart within me, unless the Muses of Olympus, daughters of aegis-wearing Zeus, were to recount all those who came to besiege Ilium. So I shall relate the ships’ captains and the number of their ships. The Muses alone ‘are present, and know everything’. Without their help, the poet is in the same position as his audience: ‘we hear only rumour, and know nothing.’ This is a declaration of dependence, and a plea for knowledge. The Muses are close to the poet, and they help him perform his song. But they are also ‘present’ in a diferent sense: they know everything with the reliability of an eyewitness. The poet himself has no sure knowledge about those who fought at Troy, because—as he repeatedly points out—they lived long before him, and were far superior to ‘men as mortals now are’. It is only with the help of the Muses that he can give a precise account of what happened at Troy, ‘as if he had been there himself ’.14 14 These are the words Odysseus uses when complimenting the blind singer Demodocus on the accuracy of his song about Troy (Odyssey 8.489–91): ‘You sing the 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xv 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xvi introduction Many details in the narrative speak of the poet’s direct access to his subject matter. For example, he occasionally addresses his own characters.15 These apostrophes are so startling, that ancient and modern readers have thought they betray something about the poet—a special afection for some of his characters, for example. Not all direct addresses seem to express afection, but they all add to the immediacy of the story. The poet is, at times, so close to his characters that he even talks to them. By contrast, he never addresses his real audience. He never asks for attention, for example, or latters his listeners. Rather than talking to or about his audience, the poet gives them a direct insight into what happened during the Trojan War. In general, the Iliad conveys a clear sense of the poet’s presence at Troy, and even of the speciic vantage-point from which he observes the action: he views the battleield from above, facing Troy and keeping his back to the sea. The curved coastline, with its beached Achaean ships, is arranged before him ‘like a theatre’.16 When he describes what happens ‘on the left’ or ‘on the right’ of the battleield, he is always speaking from that speciic viewpoint. He is, however, not conined to observing things from there: he can zoom in and describe, for example, how Polypoetes’ spear breaks through Damasus’ forehead, and makes pulp of the brain inside (12.181–7). He can observe at close quarters how a pair of horses trip over a branch, breaking free of their chariot— and then zoom out in order to show how the horses join a chaotic, general stampede towards Troy (6.38–41). Contemporary readers often comment on the cinematic qualities of Homer’s poetry;17 but there were no helicopters in antiquity from which to take aerial shots, and no cameras zooming in or out. For the ancient Greeks, Homer’s powers were truly divine: they called him theios aoidos, ‘the divine singer’, and with good reason. Apart from the poet, only the gods could view things from above, or observe the ighting at close quarters, objectively, and without fear of death. The poet himself makes that point at 4.539–44, where he claims that someone who entered the battleield under divine fate of the Achaeans precisely, according to order; | what they did and endured and all they sufered, | as if you had been there yourself, or heard from someone who had.’ 15 See e.g. 7.104 (Menelaus), 15.582 (Melanippus), 16.787 (Patroclus), 20.2 (Achilles), 20.152 (Apollo). 16 This is the description of the ancient Homeric scholar Aristarchus, see Explanatory Notes, note to lines 14.30–6. 17 On Homer and the cinema, see esp. M. M. Winkler (ed.), Troy: from Homer’s ‘Iliad’ to Hollywood Epic (Oxford, 2007). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xvi 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xvii protection, and could not be touched by missiles, would agree with his own assessment of how hard Trojans and Achaeans fought. Divine inspiration, then, is not just a matter of conventional invocations to the Muses: it tells us something crucial about how the poet views things. The Catalogue of Ships, for example, is a dazzling display of the poet’s knowledge, and of his powers of visualization. He starts in Aulis and spirals out, mentioning well over a hundred place-names, and organizing them in a way that shows he has a clear mental picture of the whole of Greece.18 The poet’s encyclopaedic command of his subject matter emerges from many other details. For example, he always mentions by name those who die on the battleield, and often adds a unique detail about them: Protesilaus leaves behind a wife ‘tearing her cheeks in grief | in a half-built house’ (2.700–1). Axylus used to live by a main road, ‘and he would entertain everyone’ (6.13). These details suggest that the poet knows more about his characters than he chooses to tell. We would long to hear more about them, and perceive our loss—precisely at the moment when they die.19 The many similes that punctuate the narrative also tell us something important about the poet’s knowledge. Some images occur in many variations and evoke the grandness of the epic world: lions and hunters, for example, feature prominently not just in the Iliad, but also more generally in early Greek and Near Eastern art and poetry. Other similes are more speciic, and suggest a keen sense of observation. At 5.902–4, for example, Ares’ blood coagulates as quickly ‘as when igjuice thickens white milk when . . . a man stirs it’. At 17.389–97 the Trojans and the Achaeans pull Patroclus’ body in opposite directions, like leather-tanners stretching a skin. At 23.712–13 the Achaeans grasp each other’s hands ‘like crossing rafters that a renowned carpenter has | itted in the roof of a high house’. At 23.760–3 Odysseus runs behind Ajax . . . as close as the weaving-rod of a ine-girdled woman is to her breast as she deftly draws it tight with her hands, pulling the spool along the warp, and holding it close to her breast . . . 18 See Explanatory Notes, note to line 2.493, which is based on G. Danek, ‘Der Schifskatalog der Ilias: Form und Funktion’, in H. Heftner and K. Tomaschitz (eds.), Ad Fontes! Festschrift für Gerhard Dobesch (Vienna, 2004), 59–72. 19 On minor characters in the Iliad, see further the excellent study by J. Griin, Homer on Life and Death (Oxford, 1980), esp. ch. 4. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xvii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xviii introduction In this simile, in particular, there is a palpable sense that the woman is being observed as she works. She is intent on her weaving, and we can imagine someone looking at her—and noticing how close she pulls the weaving-rod to her breast. Just so, in the poet’s vision, Odysseus pulls close to Ajax in the foot-race. Often the poet of the Iliad describes things from the perspective of an implicit observer: narratologists call this technique ‘focalization’. At times the same scene is focalized through diferent characters in close succession. At 6.401, for example, when Hector looks at his baby son Astyanax, the poet adopts the language of a doting parent, piling on words of endearment for the little boy. Only a little later, however, when it is Astyanax who looks at his father, the poet shares the bewildered, terriied perspective of the baby boy (6.468–70). Although the poet has great powers of empathy—even for characters so young they cannot speak—he never loses his overall control of the narrative. He always knows, for example, what the gods are doing and, even more importantly, what they are planning. The characters, by contrast, have a very limited understanding of the gods, and are often deluded about their own circumstances. We see them struggle, in their ignorance, with their hopes and fears—while the poet tells us exactly what is in store for them. There is only one character in the poem who seems able to look at the situation with the same clarity and detachment as the poet: Helen, daughter of Zeus. This is how Homer irst introduces the beautiful woman who caused the Trojan War. While her two husbands, Menelaus and Paris, prepare to face each other in single combat, the goddess Iris goes to look for her (3.125–8): She found Helen in her hall; she was weaving a great web, a red double cloak, and on it she was working the struggles of the horse-breaking Trojans and the bronze-shirted Achaeans that they were undergoing for her sake at the hands of Ares. Like the poet, Helen weaves a picture of the Trojan War. She even sees herself as the subject of future poetry (6.357–8): Zeus has given us a wretched portion, so that in time hereafter we may become a theme for the songs of generations yet to come. And yet, not even Helen shares the poet’s full and objective knowledge of all things. At 3.234–42, for example, she scans the battleield looking for her brothers among the Achaean troops, and wonders why 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xviii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xix she cannot see them. At that point the poet tells us that they died in Lacedaemon, before the Trojan War had even started. The poet often draws attention to the ignorance of his own characters. Most famously, he describes Andromache making arrangements for Hector to have a bath, when he is already dead (22.440–6): She was at her loom in the tall house’s innermost part, weaving a red double cloak, and working a pattern of lowers into it. She called out through the house to her lovely-haired servants to set a great tripod over the ire, so that Hector might have a warm bath when he returned from the ighting—poor innocent that she was, and did not know that grey-eyed Athena had beaten him down at Achilles’ hands, far away from baths. Even when the poet does not ofer explicit comments of this kind, it is clear that he and his audience share an understanding that the characters inside the poem do not have. This understanding stems, in part, from a shared knowledge of the epic tradition: audiences of all times always knew that Troy was destined to fall, and that the Achaeans would sufer greatly on their return home. The main efect of our knowledge, and of the characters’ lack of it, is a sense of tragic irony—a realization that mortals have no sure understanding of the gods, or even of their own situation. For once, when listening to the poet, we share his divine perspective—but the spectacle is not simply entertaining, because the pain, sufering, and uncertainty of Homer’s characters are ultimately our own. Achilles’ anger The very irst line of the Iliad announces a grand poem about a very speciic issue: the anger of Achilles. The poem describes only a handful of days towards the end of the Trojan War: it does not include the fall of Troy, or even the death of Achilles. By leaving those events outside the remit of his narrative, the poet invites us to focus on his chosen theme. The irst word in the original Greek text is mēnin, a rare term for anger which describes the vengeful wrath typical of the gods. Soon after the proem, the same word occurs again: at 1.75 it describes Apollo’s angry reaction to Agamemnon’s insults, and his decision to inlict a plague on the Achaeans. This verbal correspondence underlines a more general truth: at the beginning of the poem Achilles behaves very much like 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xix 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xx introduction a god.20 When Agamemnon insults him, he plans the extermination of the Achaeans. His asks his mother, the goddess Thetis, to enlist the help of Zeus, and the supreme god agrees to his plan: the Achaeans will perish as long as Achilles refuses to ight. No ordinary mortal could react to Agamemnon’s arrogance by sending a personal envoy to Mount Olympus—but Achilles is the son of a goddess, and behaves accordingly. The problem is that Achilles is mortal: the fact that he must die complicates his relationship to Agamemnon, and ultimately compromises his plan. When Agamemnon realizes that without Achilles he will lose his army, his honour, and the war, he ofers to return Briseïs, together with countless other gifts. The women, cities, tripods, and other goods that Agamemnon promises to Achilles in book 9 betoken a transferral of honour on a quite unprecedented scale. And yet, Achilles refuses Agamemnon’s ofer, pointing out that no amount of wealth can compensate for the loss of his life (9.400–9): . . . I do not think that anything is of equal worth to my life, not even all the wealth they say that Ilium, that well-populated city, once possessed in time of peace before the sons of the Achaeans came, nor all the wealth that the stone threshold of the archer Phoebus Apollo guards inside his temple in rocky Pytho. Cattle and locks of sturdy sheep can be got by raiding, and tripods and herds of chestnut horses can be made one’s own, but raiding and getting cannot bring back a man’s life when once it has passed beyond the barrier of his teeth. The god Apollo may be content with guarding his riches ‘in rocky Pytho’ (a rare reference to his sanctuary at Delphi); but the mortal Achilles must guard something far more precious to him: his life. As the poem unfolds, Achilles’ mortality is thrown into sharp relief, and it becomes increasingly clear that his fate is bound to that of other mortals. Already in book 11, soon after he has rejected Agamemnon’s ofer, Achilles notices the wounded Achaean leaders as they return to camp, and sends Patroclus to make enquiries. His friend returns with terrible news, and asks Achilles to let him, at least, return to the battleield and lend his support. Achilles is worried about Patroclus’ safety but agrees to his request, and gives him his own armour for protection. 20 On Achilles and Apollo, see esp. G. Nagy, The Best of the Achaeans: Concepts of the Hero in Archaic Greek Poetry, 2nd edn. (Baltimore, 1999). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xx 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xxi Soon after, Hector kills Patroclus and takes Achilles’ armour as spoils. At that point Achilles enters the battleield again, not because his attitude to Agamemnon has changed (several details in the narrative suggest that it has not), but because revenge now matters to him more than life itself. According to Apollo, Achilles’ reaction to the death of Patroclus is excessive and inexcusable. This is what he says to the other gods at 24.44–54: ‘. . . Achilles has killed pity, and there is no respect in him, respect that both greatly harms and also beneits men. Any man, I suppose, is likely to have lost someone even dearer to him than this, a brother born of the same mother, or even a son, but in the end he gives up his weeping and lamentation, because the Fates have placed in men a heart that endures; but this Achilles irst robs glorious Hector of his life and then ties him behind his chariot and drags him round the burial-mound of his dear companion. Yet he should know that there is nothing ine or good about this; let him beware of our anger, great man though he is, because in his fury he is outraging mute earth.’ In Apollo’s view, Achilles must stop deiling Hector’s body, and start to consider his pain in relation to that of other mortals. It may be that his sufering is not as great as that of a man who loses a brother, or a son. Later in book 24 Achilles comes precisely to that realization—when he sees Priam, and thinks about the imminent bereavement of his own father. All this suggests that Achilles may not be so special after all. His anger is as devastating as that of the gods, but his confrontation with death is something we all recognize. There are, in fact, many parallels for the story of Achilles—some are embedded in the poem itself, and others belong to broader ancient traditions of poetry. For example, Phoenix tries to persuade Achilles to accept Agamemnon’s gifts by telling him the story of Meleager—who refused to go to war out of anger, but who ultimately returned to the ighting in order to defend his wife and home (9.529–99). Here too a young man initially opts out, rejecting the social obligations placed upon him, but eventually must recognize the bonds of afection that link him to others, and which ultimately lead him to face death. Quite how hard Phoenix presses the details of Meleager’s story in order to turn it into a itting example for Achilles is something that scholars have long debated. What remains clear is that, just like Phoenix, the poet himself invites us to see the 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxi 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xxii introduction story of Achilles as an example of a wider truth. In the early Greek tradition other narratives echoed that of Achilles. For example, the early epic poem Aethiopis, now largely lost, told the story of Memnon, king of the Ethiopians. Memnon too was the son of a goddess, Dawn, and of a mortal man, Tithonus—and he too had to die. These echoes suggest that the story of Achilles’ anger, though speciic in the detail, has its roots in a wider ancient understanding of what it means to be mortal. This emerges with special clarity when we compare the Iliad with the Epic of Gilgamesh. This extraordinary Babylonian poem resembles the Iliad not just in some striking details, but in overall conception.21 Like Achilles, Gilgamesh is of mixed human and divine ancestry, and the greatest man that ever lived. When his closest friend Enkidu dies, he resolves to go in search of eternal life. He undertakes a long and diicult journey to meet Utnapishtim, the survivor of a great lood and the only man who has been granted immortality. In the Old Babylonian version of the poem he meets a wise ale-wife in the course of his journey, who tells him: ‘You will not ind the eternal life you seek. When the gods created mankind, they appointed death for mankind, kept eternal life in their own hands. So, Gilgamesh, let your stomach be full, day and night enjoy yourself in every way, every day arrange for pleasures. Day and night, dance and play, wear fresh clothes. Keep your head washed, bathe in water, appreciate the child who holds your hand, let your wife enjoy herself in your lap.’22 In the extremity of his pain, Gilgamesh does nothing of the sort. Immediately after Enkidu’s death he tears out his hair, casts of his ine clothes, and roams in the wilderness wearing an animal skin. He continues to travel until he inds Utnapishtim—and it is only at that 21 On the parallels between Greek and Near Eastern Epic, see M. L. West, The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth (Oxford, 1997). 22 Quoted from S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others, 2nd edn. (Oxford, 2000), 150. For the Epic of Gilgamesh, see A. R. George, The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic: Introduction, Critical Edition and Cuneiform Texts, 2 vols. (Oxford, 2003) 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xxiii point that he learns a fundamental lesson. In the Standard Babylonian version, Utnapishtim tells him that he will never ind the secret of eternal life, and then sends him home with a fresh set of clothes. Achilles’ physical reaction to bereavement closely resembles that of Gilgamesh. When Patroclus dies, he deiles himself. He refuses to eat, and cannot sleep (24.1–10): . . . the assembly broke up and the people dispersed, each company to its swift ships, and all their thoughts were of food and the pleasure of sweet sleep; but Achilles wept ceaselessly as he remembered his dear companion, and sleep that subdues all took no hold of him. He tossed and turned, thinking with longing of Patroclus, of his manhood and his valiant strength, of all that he had accomplished with him and the trials he had endured, of wars of men undergone and the arduous crossing of seas. As he called all this to mind he let fall huge tears, lying at one time on his side and at another on his back, and then again on his face; then he would rise to his feet . . . Achilles’ mother suggests to him that he should sleep with Briseïs, in an argument that, in essence, is the same as that of the ale-wife in the Old Babylonian version of Gilgamesh. This is what Thetis says at 24.130–2: It is indeed a good thing to lie with a woman, since your life will not be long and I shall lose you, and already death and your harsh destiny stand beside you. Achilles seems inconsolable, but eventually does follow his mother’s advice and sleeps with Briseïs. When Priam enters his hut, he is eating. Priam, by contrast, is still feeling the rawest pain at the loss of Hector: he has just covered himself in dung—and has not eaten or slept since the death of his son. Eventually, Achilles persuades him to eat, drink, and sleep, telling him the story of Niobe—a mythical mother who lost her twelve children and yet managed (according to Achilles) to have a meal after that. Again it seems that Achilles adapts the details of Niobe’s story in order to make his point; and yet what he is trying to say is a general truth about human life. That truth emerges clearly after Achilles and Priam have eaten together (24.628–32): when they had put from themselves the desire for food and drink then Priam of Dardanus’ line looked in amazement at Achilles, seeing how huge and handsome he was, for he seemed like the gods; 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxiii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xxiv introduction and Achilles too was amazed at Priam of the line of Dardanus, seeing his noble appearance and listening to him speak. The poet even says that Achilles and Priam took ‘pleasure from looking at each other’ (24.633). After their deilement, hunger, thirst, and sheer exhaustion, these two men share a meal and, in the calm that follows, reach beyond their own personal sufering. Their pleasure is an airmation of life in the face of death. The Trojan War The Iliad tells the story of Achilles’ anger, but also encompasses, within its narrow focus, the whole of the Trojan War. The title promises ‘a poem about Ilium’ (i.e. Troy), and the poem lives up to that description. The irst books recapitulate the origins and early stages of the Trojan War. The quarrel over Briseïs mirrors the original cause of the war, for it too is a ight between two men over one woman. The Catalogue of Ships in book 2 acts as a reminder of the expedition; book 3 introduces Helen and her two husbands; book 4 dramatizes how a private quarrel over a woman can become a war; in book 5 the ighting escalates; and book 6 takes us into the city of Troy. The narrative now looks forward to the time when the Achaeans will capture the city: it anticipates the end of the poem, and of the war itself. The bulk of the Iliad is devoted to the ighting on the battleield. It describes only a few days of war, but the sheer scale of the narrative, and its relentless succession of deaths, come to represent the whole war.23 The poet is speciic about the horrors of the battleield: wounds, for example, are described in precise and painful detail. At 13.567–9 Meriones pursues Adamas and stabs him ‘between the genitals and navel, in the place | where battle-death comes most painfully to wretched mortals’. At 15.489–500 Peneleos thrusts his spear through Ilioneus’ eye-socket, then cuts of his head and brandishes it aloft. At 20.469–1 Tros tries to touch Achilles’ knees in supplication, but Achilles stabs him . . . in the liver with his sword, and the liver slid out of his body, and the dark blood from it illed his lap . . . 23 For a more detailed, book-by-book summary of the Iliad, see the Explanatory Notes. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxiv 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH introduction xxv No Hollywood version of the Iliad is as graphic as the poem itself. Descriptions of the physical impact of war are matched by an unlinching psychological account of those who ight in it. Homer shows exactly what it takes to step forward in the irst line of battle, towards the spear of the enemy. He describes the adrenaline, the social conditioning, the self-delusion required.24 And the shame of failure, which is worse than death.25 The truth and vividness of the Iliad have struck many readers. In her towering exploration of violence, Simone Weil, for example, calls the Iliad ‘the most lawless of mirrors’, because it shows how war ‘makes the human being a thing quite literally, that is, a dead body. The Iliad never tires of showing that tableau.’26 Weil was writing in 1939: her L’Iliade ou le poème de la force did not just describe the Trojan War; it anticipated the Second World War, and prophesied how it would again turn people into things. Just like Weil, women inside the Iliad make powerful statements against violence—and even against the courage of their own men. Hector’s wife Andromache, for example, tells him that his own prowess will kill him, and that he will make her a widow (6.431–2). When confronted with his wife’s words, Hector claims he would rather die on the battleield than witness her sufering (6.464– 5). He then tries to console her in the only way he knows: by imagining more wars. He picks up his baby son and prays that he may be stronger than him and, one day, bring home the spoils of the enemy, so that his mother may rejoice (6.476–81). This is how the poet Michael Longley, in the context of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, paraphrases Hector’s prayer: he ‘kissed the babbie and dandled him in his arms and | prayed that his son might grow up bloodier than him’.27 The Trojan War, the Second World War, the Troubles: the Iliad is intertwined with all stories about all wars. Already in antiquity it was part of a wider tradition of poetry, which found its inspiration in the ruins of a Bronze Age city, well visible on the coast of Asia Minor.28 24 On these issues see, among others, M. Clarke, Flesh and Spirit in the Songs of Homer (Oxford, 1999), and R. Scodel, Epic Facework: Self-Presentation and Social Interaction in Homer (Swansea, 2008). 25 See D. Cairns, Aidōs: The Psychology and Ethics of Honour and Shame in Ancient Greek Literature (Oxford, 1993). 26 The best English edition is by J. P. Holoka, Simone Weil’s ‘The Iliad or The Poem of Force’: A Critical Edition (New York, 2003). 27 M. Longley, The Ghost Orchid (London, 1995), 226. 28 On the site of Troy, see J. Latacz, Troy and Homer: Towards a Solution of an Old Mystery, tr. K. Windle and R. Ireland (Oxford, 2004). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxv 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xxvi introduction The Iliad often refers to that wider tradition. For example, when Hector picks up his baby and dandles him in his arms, his gesture recalls that of an enemy soldier who will soon pick up the little boy— and throw him of the walls of Troy. Other early poems described the death of Astyanax in a manner that clearly recalled his last meeting with his father. Some stories about the fall of Troy were known to the poet of the Iliad and his earliest audiences; others were inspired by it. As a result, the Iliad became increasingly more allusive and complex in the course of time.29 This is how Zachary Mason describes the situation in a recent novel inspired by Homer: It is not widely understood that the epics attributed to Homer were in fact written by the gods before the Trojan war—these divine books are the archetypes of that war rather than its history. In fact, there have been innumerable Trojan wars, each played out according to an evolving aesthetic, each representing a fresh attempt at bringing the terror of battle into line with the lucidity of the authorial intent. Inevitably, each particular war is a distortion of its antecedent, an image in a warped hall of mirrors.30 Mirrors and distorted mirrors: what readers ask of the Iliad is whether things can be diferent. Whether we must imagine wars and more wars, like Hector when he prays for his son, or whether there can perhaps be peace—and even a poetics of peace. This is, for example, the insistent question of the German post-war poet Peter Handke, in Der Himmel über Berlin.31 The Iliad itself ofers no clear answer, only leeting images of peace in the form of distant memories, startling comparisons, and doomed aspirations. Hector runs past the place where the Trojan women used to wash their clothes before the war (22.153–9). Andromache wishes Hector had died in his own bed (24.743–5). Athena delects an arrow like a mother brushing away a ly from her sleeping baby (4.129–33). On the shield of Achilles—which is a representation of the whole world—there is a city at war, but there is also a city at peace. There is a wedding, and the vintage, and a row of boys and girls dancing to music (18.478–608). These images are precious, because they are so very rare. 29 See B. Graziosi and J. Haubold, Homer. ‘Iliad 6’: A Commentary (Cambridge, 2010). 30 Z. Mason, The Lost Books of the ‘Odyssey’ (London, 2010), 54. 31 The ilm, directed by Wim Wenders, scripted by Handke, and released in English as Wings of Desire, explores the divided city of Berlin and (as its German title indicates) the sky above it. It was released in 1987, only two years before the fall of the Berlin wall. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxvi 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH NOTE ON THE TEXT AND EXPLANATORY MATERIALS Editing the Iliad is a diicult task because—as the Introduction points out—there are some open questions about the composition and transmission of the poem. Those who believe that Homer created a master copy of the Iliad in the late eighth or early seventh century bce privilege readings that look old, ind it easier to justify interventions that aim at consistency, and tend to emend or expunge passages or features that seem recent relative to other aspects of the text. Those who believe that the Iliad may stem from a more drawn-out process of textual ixation are prepared to allow for a less consistent and earlysounding text. The present translation is based on the critical edition by H. van Thiel, published by Olms-Weidmann in 1996: it presents the transmitted text with cautious editorial interventions. One of its advantages, for the purposes of this translation, is that it includes in square brackets passages that circulated in antiquity, but which are not transmitted, or only weakly attested, in the medieval manuscripts. These passages are not considered authentic by the editor, but tell us something about the early textual history of the Iliad: they have been included in this translation—which helpfully follows the line numeration of the original text—and left in square brackets. This makes them available, for the irst time, to readers of the Oxford World’s Classics. The Explanatory Notes include succinct book summaries: they are meant to help the reader appreciate the overall design and plot of the poem, and locate speciic episodes in it. The notes clarify geographical and mythical references, ofer brief accounts of ancient rituals and other practices to which the poem alludes, draw attention to echoes, allusions, and correspondences within the poem, and comment on some key passages and additional lines. They occasionally draw from ancient explanations and commentaries. Two maps ofer minimal information on the geography of Greece and Asia Minor, and facilitate an appreciation of the Catalogue of Ships and the Catalogue of the Trojans and their Allies in the second book of the Iliad. Full, accurate, and up-to-date maps are available in the second volume 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxvii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xxviii note on the text of J. Latacz and A. Bierl, Homers Ilias. Gesamtkommentar (Munich and Leipzig, 2000– ); this commentary is now the standard work of reference for any rigorous engagement with the Iliad. A short bibliography ofers suggestions for further reading in English. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxviii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION The translation respects as far as possible the line numeration of Homer’s Greek, which means that references to the original text can easily be matched to the line numbers in the margin of this version. It does not claim to be poetry: my aim has been to use a straightforward English register and to keep closely to the Greek, allowing Homer to speak for himself—for example, in the use of repeated epithets and descriptions of recurrent scenes. I have tried to avoid importing alien imagery, and have preserved variations in sentence length. Similarly, I have kept clear of ‘poeticizing’ Homer at one extreme and reducing the scale of his invention to the level of a modern adventure story at the other. Both approaches, not unknown to recent translators, tend to get in the way of the poem’s directness and power. I have beneited greatly from the criticism and encouragement of friends in preparing this version. John Taylor and Tessa Smith gave me sound advice; Michael Clark steered me expertly through drafts of the early books; and Barbara Graziosi’s scholarship and ear for a telling phrase lie behind most pages. As always, my editor Judith Luna has been a constant support. Any surviving inaccuracies and infelicities are entirely my own. Anthony Verity 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxix 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Only works written in English and wholly or partially intelligible to readers who do not know Latin or Greek have been included. Commentaries Jones, P. V., Homer’s ‘Iliad’: A Commentary on Three Translations (London, 2003). Kirk, G. (ed.), The ‘Iliad’: A Commentary, 6 vols. (Cambridge, 1985–93). Postlethwaite, N.,Homer’s ‘Iliad’: A Commentary on the Translation of Richmond Lattimore (Exeter, 2000). Willcock, M., A Commentary on Homer’s ‘Iliad’ (London, 1978–84). Companions to Homer Cairns, D. (ed.), Oxford Readings in Homer’s ‘Iliad’ (Oxford, 2001). Finkelberg, M. (ed.), The Homer Encyclopaedia, 3 vols. (Oxford, 2011). Fowler, R. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Homer (Cambridge, 2004). Jong, I. J. F. de (ed.), Homer: Critical Assessments, 4 vols. (London, 1999). Morris, I. and Powell, B. (eds.), A New Companion to Homer (Leiden, 1997). Stubbings, F. H. and Wace, A. J. (eds.), Companion to Homer (London, 1960). Critical Studies Adkins, A., Merit and Responsibility: A Study in Greek Values (Oxford, 1960). Bakker, E., Pointing at the Past: From Formula to Performance in Homeric Poetics (Cambridge, Mass., 2005). Boedeker, D. (ed.), The World of Troy: Homer, Schliemann, and the Treasures of Priam (Washington, DC, 1997). Burgess, J., The Tradition of the Trojan War in Homer and the Epic Cycle (Baltimore, 2001). Cassio, A. C., ‘Early Editions of the Greek Epics and Homeric Textual Criticism’, in F. Montanari (ed.), Omero tremila anni dopo (Rome, 2002), 105–36. Clarke, M., Flesh and Spirit in the Songs of Homer (Oxford, 1999). Dué, C., Homeric Variations on a Lament by Briseis (Lanham, Md., 2002). Edwards, M. W., Homer: Poet of the ‘Iliad’ (Baltimore, 1987). Finley, M. I., The World of Odysseus, 2nd edn. (London, 1977). Foley, J. M., Homer’s Traditional Art (University Park, Pa., 1999). Ford, A., Homer: The Poetry of the Past (Ithaca, NY, 1992). Graziosi, B., Inventing Homer: The Early Reception of Epic (Cambridge, 2002). —— and Haubold, J., Homer: The Resonance of Epic (London, 2005). —— Homer: ‘Iliad VI’ (Cambridge, 2010). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxx 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH select bibliography xxxi Griin, J., Homer on Life and Death (Oxford, 1980). —— Homer: ‘Iliad IX’ (Oxford, 1995). Haubold, J., Homer’s People: Epic Poetry and Social Formation (Cambridge, 2000). Janko, R., Homer, Hesiod and the Hymns: Diachronic Development in Epic Diction (Cambridge, 1982). Jones, P. V. (ed.), Homer: German Scholarship in Translation, trans. G. M. Wright and P. V. Jones (Oxford, 1997). Jong, I. J. F. de, Narrators and Focalizers: The Presentation of the Story in the ‘Iliad’, 2nd edn. (London, 2004). Kelly, A., A Referential Commentary and Lexicon to Homer, ‘Iliad VIII’ (Oxford, 2007). Latacz, J., Homer: His Art and his World, trans. J. P. Holoka (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1996). Latacz, J., Troy and Homer: Towards a Solution of an Old Mystery, trans. K. Windle and R. Ireland (Oxford, 2004). Lord, A., The Singer of Tales, 2nd edn. with foreword and CD-rom ed. S. Mitchell and G. Nagy (Cambridge, Mass., 2000). Lynn-George, M., Epos: Word, Narrative and the ‘Iliad’ (Basingstoke, 1988). Mackie, H., Talking Trojan: Speech and Community in the ‘Iliad’ (Lanham, Md., 1996). Macleod, C. W. (ed.), Homer: ‘Iliad XXIV’ (Cambridge, 1982). Martin, R., The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the ‘Iliad’ (Ithaca, NY, 1989). Mueller, M., The Iliad, 2nd edn. (London, 2009). Nagy, G., Homeric Questions (Cambridge, Mass., 1996). —— The Best of the Achaeans: Concepts of the Hero in Archaic Greek Poetry, 2nd edn. (Baltimore, 1999). —— Homer’s Text and Language (Champaign, Ill., 2004). Parry, M., The Making of Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers of Milman Parry, ed. A. Parry (Oxford, 1971). Pulleyn, S., Homer: ‘Iliad I’ (Oxford, 2000). Pucci, P., Odysseus Polytropos: Intertextual Readings in the ‘Odyssey’ and the ‘Iliad’ (Ithaca, NY, 1987). Redield, J., Nature and Culture in the ‘Iliad’: The Tragedy of Hector, 2nd edn. (Chicago, 1994). Schein, S., The Mortal Hero: An Introduction to Homer’s ‘Iliad’ (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984). Scodel, R., Listening to Homer: Tradition, Narrative, and Audience (Ann Arbor, Mich., 2002). —— Epic Facework: Self-Presentation and Social Interaction in Homer (Swansea, 2008). Scully, S., Homer and the Sacred City (Ithaca and London, 1990). 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxxi 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH xxxii select bibliography Slatkin, L., The Power of Thetis: Allusion and Interpretation in the ‘Iliad’ (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1992). Snodgrass, A., Homer and the Artists: Text and Picture in Early Greek Art (Cambridge, 1998). Taplin, O., Homeric Soundings: The Shaping of the ‘Iliad’ (Oxford, 1992). Wees, H. van, Status Warriors: War, Violence and Society in Homer and History (Amsterdam, 1992). West. M. L., The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth (Oxford, 1997). —— The Making of the ‘Iliad’: Disquisition and Analytical Commentary (Oxford, 2010). Willcock, M. M., A Companion to the ‘Iliad’, Based on the Translation by Richmond Lattimore (Chicago, 1976). Wilson, D., Ransom, Revenge, and Heroic Identity in the ‘Iliad’ (Cambridge, 2002). Winkler, M. M. (ed.), Troy: from Homer’s ‘Iliad’ to Hollywood Epic (Oxford, 2007). Zanker, G., The Heart of Achilles: Characterization and Personal Ethics in the ‘Iliad’ (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1994). Further Reading in Oxford World Classics Greek Lyric Poetry, trans. M. L. West. Hesiod, Theogony and Works and Days, trans. M. L. West. Homer, The Odyssey, trans. Walter Shewring, introduction by G. S. Kirk. —— The Homeric Hymns, trans. Michael Crudden. Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others, trans. Stephanie Dalley. Virgil, Aeneid, trans. Frederick Ahl, introduction by Elaine Fantham. 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxxii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM map 1. Greece OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxxiii 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM map 2. Asia Minor OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FPP, 01/10/2011, GLYPH 00-Homer_Prelims.indd xxxiv 1/10/2011 11:56:39 AM