Well, as economic recoveries go 0.1% growth in the fourth quarter of 2009 is hardly worth breaking open the Prosecco we've reportedly been buying to save money. It hasn't stopped complaints from some of those who have been claiming that growth returned a good four months ago.
One such, Martin Weale of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, is quoted in some of the papers today as saying it's statistically insignificant. He's right, though such figures are often later revised in the direction of travel, ie upwards in this case.
Weale might usefully have added that his team was suggesting 0.3% growth in the last quarter, not the only body of expertise to mock our cautious chancellor who has been insisting Britain would crawl out of recession only by the end of the year. Yes, I do believe ex-chancellor Brown may have been one of them.
There's an obvious paradox here, several actually. This week's Guardian/ICM poll suggested that 50% of voters think Brown's leadership has made the recession worse, 28% a lot worse, compared with 43% who think – correctly – that he's helped ease the crisis.
Over at Channel 4 News another poll said 72% of voters say the tentative end of the recession will make no difference to how they vote – as distinct from the 11% who are more likely to vote Labour.
That doesn't surprise me. For a host of reasons I think the electorate is minded to change Britain's political leadership after 13 years of Labour. Fair enough, 13 years is long enough for anyone to get tired and start losing their way.
But as Peter Riddell was quick to point out in today's Times, a paper which is swinging fast to the right in the best Murdochian ("back the winner") way, the very fragility of the recovery strengthens Brown and Alistair Darling's warning against financial retrenchment before the ship of state is sailing strongly on favourable tides.
My own hunch has long been that the Tories won't actually make the savage cuts they say they will, not least because the overwhelming bulk of expert opinion – not to mention history – is against them. George Osborne is sensibly sounding more wary.
In an otherwise worrying column in last Friday's FT the saintly Sir Samuel Brittan provided comfort for the Labour view that easing the debt mountain will be easier via resumed growth than via further self-defeating retrenchment before the time is right to "take away the punchbowl" as a US central banker once put it.
So mild-mannered Darling's caution, combined with his four-year plan to halve the deficit, much-mocked too, may look more plausible when he presents his March budget. As he told the Guardian's Patrick Wintour last night, "there will be hiccups along the way".
Like many things in life what to do isn't the issue, it's when to do it: it's all a matter of timing and judgment. I had a friendly spat with some chums the other day when I said the UK should keep spending its way out of trouble.
You can't really do that though because you can't ignore the need to fund your public debt on markets, which are often given to irrational exuberance or depression, as the past decade has reminded us. Remember, the four most lethal words in economics are: "This time it's different." No, it isn't.
Hence the Guardian's ominous page one headline today, quoting the aptly named Bill Gross, California-based founder of Pimco, a US fund-manager, to the effect that Britain's public debt – Treasury gilt sales – are "resting on a bed of nitroglycerine".
Why? Because heavily indebted countries tend to devalue their currency – as Britain has done by 20% and struggling eurozone states like Greece cannot.
Sam Brittan says expansionary policies should continue until the disbenefits – including inflation – outweigh the gains in jobs and output.
People like Gross can be as wrong as everyone else. Would he dare say that about the debauched US dollar? I doubt it. They know where he lives. But sterling is a tempting target for a bit of bullying. Pimco's European honcho, one Andrew Balls, said similar worrying things recently.
Hence George Osborne's quip that he and his brother Ed are both busy trying to ruin the UK economy.
Another paradox is that Osborne's own political concern to express financial rectitude – as I assume he will – may further damage economic prospects when he becomes chancellor.
I'm sure smart voters sense this. All of which makes the coming election such an interesting as well as important one. How will voters hedge their collective bet on an economy still likely to be in the doldrums on polling day?
With a side bet on the Lib Dems and a hung parliament intended to curb Dave n' George's autonomy? It would be a rational option, but there is no guarantee that it would prove a smart one in real life.
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